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JOURNAL OF AN EMBASSY 

TO THE COUNT OF ARMAGNAC. 

A. D. 1442-3. 



A JOURNAL 

BY ONE OF THE SUITE OF 

THOMAS BECKINGTON, 

AFTERWARDS BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS, 

DURING AN EMBASSY TO NEGOCIATE 

A MARRIAGE BETWEEN HENRY VI. 

AND A 

DAUGHTER OF THE COUNT OF ARMAGNAC 

A. D. MCCCCXLII. 

WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 

BY 

NICHOLAS HARRIS NICOLAS, ESQ. 

BARRISTER AT LAW. 





LONDON : 

o 

WILLIAM PICKERING. 

MDCCCXXVIII. 

c 



I \ }\ &\ f— ""■"S 



[only two hundred and fifty copies printed.] 



Thomas White, Printer, 
Johnson's Court. 



TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE 

SIR GORE OUSELEY, 

BARONET; 

ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONORABLE PRIVY COUNCIL; 
KNIGHT OF THE ORDERS OF ST. ALEXANDER NEWSKI 
OF RUSSIA, AND OF THE SUN AND LION OF PERSIA, OF 
THE FIRST CLASS; 

THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED, 

IN TESTIMONY OF THE EDITOR'S 

GRATITUDE AND RESPECT. 



PREFACE. 



It has been generally remarked that materials 
for a history of the reign of Henry the Sixth 
are extremely scanty ; and that though the times 
of earlier English monarchs are capable of being 
minutely illustrated,, one of the most eventful 
periods in our annals can only be described in 
a cursory and imperfect manner. This obser- 
vation is not, however,, so strictly correct as has 
been hitherto supposed ; but the lamentable state 
of most of the public libraries, and more parti- 
cularly in those places where they might be ex- 
pected to be best arranged ; the difficulty which 
often exists of obtaining access to them ; and 
the want of proper catalogues, have combined 
to conceal many important manuscripts from 
the knowledge of our historians. 

During a search in the Ashmolean Museum 
at Oxford, the volume from which the Journal in 
the following pages has been printed, acciden- 
tally fell under the Editor's notice; and the 
remarks which he has prefixed to it, prove that 
every writer who has treated on the period 
to which it relates, ought to have been ac- 



Vlll PREFACE. 

quainted with its contents, since it throws con- 
siderable light on an event of great importance 
in the history both of this country and of France, 
and affords much interesting biographical and 
antiquarian information. Sufficient having been 
said in the introduction, and in the notes, to 
establish the claim of this document to the at- 
tention of all who profess to write or read English 
history, it is only necessary to state that the 
original, which is written partly in English, 
partly in French, and partly in Latin, is in the 
volume in the Ashmolean Museum, marked No. 
789, that the Latin and French are here trans- 
lated, and that the English is printed literally. 

It having been just said that materials for a 
history of the reign of Henry the Sixth are much 
more extensive than has been hitherto supposed, 
it may be desirable to refer to such of them as 
have occurred to the Editor in preparing this 
work for publication. The volume in which 
the Journal is preserved, contains also other his- 
torical documents of the fifteenth century, 
all of which, are it is presumed, inedited. In 
the British Museum are contemporary copies 
of the acts, decrees, and ordinances of the Privy 
Council, from the 10th to the 36th year of that 
reign, 1 as well as of the reigns of many preceding 

1 Cottonian MSS. Cleopatra, F. iv. and F. v. 



PREFACE. IX 

and subsequent monarchs, which abound in the 
most accurate notices of public affairs. Among 
the records in the tower, numerous original 
letters and other undoubted evidence will be 
found; and the library of the College of 
Arms contains at least one volume of documents 
of equal value. Bishop Beckington has also 
illustrated two diplomatic transactions besides 
that to which this Journal relates ; his diaries of 
an embassy to Arras in Artois, to negociate a 
peace with France, in June 1435, and of his 
mission for a similar purpose, as well as to 
treat for the release of the Duke of Orleans in 
May 1439, being still extant. 2 

These sources of information on the affairs of 
England in the middle of the fifteenth century, 
are probably not a tithe of what exist ; but even 
of these, historical writers have not availed them- 
selves. General historians cannot be expected 
to peruse all manuscripts connected with their la- 
bours, scattered as they are throughout the 
kingdom, often without either catalogues or 
indexes, and written in characters which re- 
quire the practice of many years to decypher. 
To some of these manuscripts he cannot obtain 
access without incurring a personal favour ; and 

2 HarleianMSS. 4763. 



X PREFACE. 

not unfrequently he will be impeded by vexatious 
delays,, or regulations suited only to the darkest 
ages of bigotry and ignorance. Many of 
the most valuable historical documents are 
preserved in the Public Record Offices; and 
though some of them, for instance those in 
the Tower, the College of Arms, and the Chap- 
ter House at Westminster, are with proper libe- 
rality open to inquiries for literary purposes, still 
the applicant remembers that he is admitted by 
sufferance only; and he prosecutes his researches 
under very different feelings from those which he 
experiences in the British Museum. But, to the 
reproach of the country, there are many depo- 
sitories of Public Records which can only be 
approached through the medium of money ; 
and the investigator of the annals of England, 
or of the lives of its heroes, must pay heavily for 
every fact he may obtain, or rather for every 
document he may examine, whether useful to 
him or not. 

These statements will partly explain why a 
complete History of England has never been 
written; and no perfect history ever can be 
compiled until the great mass of documents 
which may be termed the subsidiaries of history 
are printed. 

The Fcedera of Rymer is the only general col- 



PREFACE. XI 

lection of materials that has ever appeared ; but it 
does not contain one twentieth part of what ought 
to have found a place in it : and the editors of the 
new edition, which is published at the expence 
of the nation, and under the authority of a 
government commission, have found it easier 
to repeat the errors in the old copies, than 
to collate the articles with the originals ; whilst 
to take much trouble in seeking for new matter 
appears to have been out of the question. 

It may be asked, from what source a publi- 
cation of historical documents may be expected 
that will reflect credit upon the country, and 
enable some future historian to produce a His- 
tory of England, which from its extent and 
accuracy, will be deserving of the appellation ? 
Much might be performed by the body which 
calls itself " The Society of Antiquaries of 
London," if its extensive funds were judiciously 
applied to the purpose : but there are limits to 
all human powers ; and when it is remembered 
that this learned fraternity, after having long 
been the ridicule of their own countrymen, 
have recently undertaken to amuse the whole 
of Europe, 3 with the incredible folly of their 

3 See a letter in the Foreign Review for July 1828, p. 259, 
from a Danish Professorin which the ignorance of certain mem- 
bers of that society, in the xxi volume of the Archeeologia, 



Xll PREFACE. 

proceedings more cannot reasonably be ex- 
pected. 

is amusingly exposed. It appears that one gentleman com- 
municated to the society a translation of an inscription, which 
his commentator observes " He has gravely explained as being 
Anglo Saxon, although, in fact, it belongs to a very different 
tongue, so that not a word, nor even a single syllable is right 
in the reading and explanation he proposes!!!" But the most 
curious fact is, that in another part of the volume the same 
writer attributes a different power to the same letters, and 
calls an inscription Dano-Saxon, though the professor avers 
there is not a word of Danish in it ! No one can refrain 
from laughing at the manner in which two of these interpreters 
of Runic inscriptions allude to each other. The gentleman 
who has so eminently distinguished himself by his knowledge 
of Anglo-Saxon, styles a brother interpreter, upon whom the 
Danish professor is scarcely less severe, " our learned member," 
who, at the distance of one hundred pages, returns the com- 
pliment with interest, by calling the other " the society's iruly 
learned member, ! ! !" absurdities which provoke a remem- 
brance of a scene in Moliere: — 

Ti issotin. Vos vers ont des beautes que n'ont point tous les autres. 
Vadius. Les Graces et Venus regnent dans tous les votres- 
Trissotin. Vous avez le tour libre, et le beau choiz des mots. 
Vadius, On voit par-tout chez vous 1' ithos et le pathos. 
Trissotin. Nous avons vu de vous des Eglogues, d'un style 

Qui passe en doux attraits Theocrite et Virgile. 
Vadius Vos odes ont un air noble, galant, et doux, 

Qui laisse de bien loin voire Horace apres yous." 

The third " learned member" fancied he had discovered the 
etymology of the word " Mass," because the English is, he 
says, the only language in which the compound words " Christ- 
mas," Candlemas," " Lammas," &c. occur; the Danish pro- 



PREFACE. Xlll 

By the Government alone can so desirable a 
work be produced; and the most efficacious 
means would be the appointment of a Commis- 
sion, with power to send proper persons to exa- 
mine the contents of every library belonging to 
Colleges, or other Corporate bodies, and to 
transcribe for publication whatever documents 
they might discover illustrative of the earlier 
periods of English History. 

For the perfect success of this object, every 
thing would depend on the zeal and ability 
of the commissioners, and the best test of 
that zeal would be their not requiring any, 
or at all events, large salaries : mere rank 
or station ought not to be the criterion of 
fitness for the appointments ; and the converse 
of a newly invented theory, that those who 
have most deeply studied any particular sub- 
ject are not so well able to judge of it as those 
who have never reflected on it for a single 

fessor after reminding the writer of what any pocket dic- 
tionary would have informed him, that such compounds exist 
in the Icelandic, Danish, Swedish, Dutch, and German lan- 
guages, expresses his astonishment to find w how little the 
antiquaries of London know of the ancient languages of the 
north to admit such a paper into their collection." The 
professor evidently knows nothing of the people of whom 
he is speaking, or of their " labours," or he would feel no 
surprise. 



XIV PREFACE. 

hour, should in this instance be adopted, be- 
cause from so many of the commissioners and 
sub-commissioners of the commission for the 
preservation of the Public Records, being pos- 
sessed of the " blank paper" qualification 
lately urged in a memorable discussion, at least 
two thirds of the volumes which have been 
compiled by its authority, are wretchedly im- 
perfect and unsatisfactory. 

It is at present left to those individuals alone, 
who, unfortunately for their own interests, 
are actuated by a zeal to promote histori- 
cal knowledge, to do so as best they may. From 
the government they derive neither assistance 
nor encouragement; and of the utter indif- 
ference of the public to works on the subject, 
the simple fact that the article in the following 
pages was offered to six of the most eminent 
publishers of the day, and that each of them 
declined to print it upon any terms, is a 
sufficient proof. No choice remained to the 
Editor but to print it at his own charge though 
with a certainty, from the limited number of 
the impression, that if every copy be sold, the 
expenses which have been incurred will scarcely 
be reimbursed. 

That there are many persons, and perhaps 
some who pretend to guide the public judgment, 



PREFACE. XV 

who will not consider this document either va- 
luable or interesting, the Editor anticipates 
from the instance which he has just cited, and 
from his former experience ; but by those who 
wish to know what did really occur, instead 
of what is supposed to have happened ; who 
prefer the relation of an eye-witness to the 
hypothesis of writers some centuries afterwards ; 
and who make truth the object of their studies, 
this and similar articles will be properly 
appreciated. 

The Editor has to offer his sincere ac- 
knowledgments to John Holmes Bass, Esq. 
for his valuable assistance; to his friend Sir 
Thomas Elmsley Croft, Bart., for instances of 
his usual kindness in promoting his researches ; 
to Thomas DufFus Hardy, Esq. F. S. A. of his 
Majesty's Record Office in the Tower, for afford- 
ing him access to, and transcripts of, many re- 
cords in that repository ; and to the Rev. James 
Dallaway, for new proofs of his readiness to 
add to the information of his friends. 

October 1, 1828. 



PREFATORY REMARKS. 



In 1442, when Henry the Sixth attained his twenty- 
first year, his marriage became an object of consi- 
derable interest to his subjects, and to such foreign 
princes as were desirous of an alliance with Eng- 
land. A modern historian 1 states, that a quarrel 
having taken place between the Count of Armagnac 
and Charles the Seventh of France, the English mi- 
nisters, under the impression that the power of that 
nobleman might form a protection to Guienne, sent 
commissioners to obtain the hand of one of his 
daughters for the young monarch ; but that the trans- 
action did not elude the vigilance of Charles, to whom 
the alliance was highly objectionable, and who imme- 
diately invaded the Count's territories, and made him 
and his family prisoners. Mr. Sharon Turner alludes 
still more briefly to the subject, as he merely observes 
that there was a negociation for the marriage, but that 
in consequence of the invasion of Guienne by the French, 
" the nuptial treaty was annulled, though the parties had 
been affianced." 2 Hume dismisses the affair in two 
lines; whilst Rapin 3 has equally erred by assigning 

1 Lingard, 4to, vol. iii. p. 446. 2 Vol. iii. p. 39. 3 Ed. 1732, vol. i. 
p. 566. 

b 



the embassy from the Count of Armagnac to resentment 
at the manner in which he had been treated by the King 
of France in the affair of the Countess of Cominge, 
for, as will be shewn, that transaction did not take 
place for some time afterwards j 1 nor is the conjec- 
ture of Dr. Lingard, that the marriage was proposed 
by the English court, and was the cause of the im- 
prisonment of the Count and his children, warranted 
by the facts. 

The following pages disclose, however, every parti- 
cular of that negociation, excepting the cause in which 
it originated ; and it will be the object of these re- 
marks to deduce from them, and from other authorities, 
a connected history of the affair, as well as of the pro- 
ceedings of the French army in Guienne, during the 
period embraced by the Journal. 

On the 3rd of May, 1442, letters of protection were 
given to an embassy from the Count of Armagnac, 2 

1 L'Art de Verifier les Dates. Ed. 1784, tome ii. pp. 276, 267. 

2 The following is a translation of that document ; 

" FOR THE AMBASSADORS OF THE COUNT OF ARMAGNAC. 

The King to all and every his Admirals to whom, &c. greeting. 
Know that, Whereas our cousin, the Count of Armagnac, wishes to send 
certain ambassadors, orators, vassals, and envoys of his, into our kingdom 
of England, to our presence, for certain causes and matters which specially 
affect him, We, viewing with satisfaction the design of our aforesaid 
cousin, have taken into our secure safe conduct and special protection, 
tuition, and defence ; John de Batuco, canon and archdeacon of Saint 
Anthony in the church of Rhodes ; Hugh Guisardi, canon and archdeacon 
major, in the church of Rhodes aforesaid ; Bago de Stagno, lord of Stagno. 
John de Panusia, lord of Lopiaco, seneschal of Rhodes ; Poncet de Car- 
delhac, lord of Valadino; Berengar de Arpaione, Knight; John de 
Solatges, lord of Toledo ; and John de Solatges, his son ; John de Saun- 
hac, lord of Belcastro, and of Panato ; Piers de Verullya, lord of Castro- 



Ill 

consisting of John de Batute, the Count's chief coun- 
sellor, and nineteen other persons ; l and on the 20th 
of that month Sir Robert Roos, Knight, Thomas Beck- 

marino ; Anthony de Caylario, Lord Daubays ; Oddo de Lomanha, lord 
of Funarch and of Corrensam ; Berand de Fendoams, lord of Barbazan ; 
Bernard de Ripparia, lord de Labatut, seneschal of Armagnac; Guil- 
laume de Begis, lord of Montalto ; Gerald de Ripparia, lord of Reberia ; 
Rigald de Cayraco, alias de Thensaco ; Bertrand de la Barca, abbot of Simon ; 
the lords John Berry and Bertrand de Bulhea, licentiate, judges in the 
law, with fifty persons in their suite, all of whom we take into our secure 
and safe custody, in coming into our kingdom of England, through the 
dominions, territories, districts, jurisdictions, and other places in our alle- 
giance, together or apart, on horse or on foot, armed or unarmed, by land 
sea, and water, [i. e. river] with horses, harness, gold, silver, jewels, 
vessels, furniture, bedding, budgets, baggages, parcels, and all other 
articles and goods whatsoever lawfully theirs ; also in staying, lodging, 
and thence lawfully, peaceably, and quietly returning to their own country 
without any hindrance, disturbance, or arrest, or opening of their beds, 
budgets, baggages, parcels, and harness of whatever kind. 

And we therefore command you, &c. ; not doing, &c. ; and if any, &c. 
Provided always that the aforesaid John, Hugh, Bego, John, Poncet, 
Berengar, John, John, John, Piers, Anthony, Oddo, Berand, Bernard 
Guillaume, Gerald, Rigalt, Bertrand, John and Bertrand, and other 
persons aforesaid, and every of them, conduct themselves in a proper 
and becoming manner towards us and our people ; and attempt not, 
nor cause in any wise to be attempted, any thing in contempt of us, or 
to the prejudice or injury of our said people ; and that neither they, nor 
any of them, in any wise enter any of our cities, castles, fortified towns, 
or fortresses, without first showing our present letters of safe conduct to 
the mayors, captains, governors, or wardens of the same. 

Whereof, &c. given for one year. Witness the king at Westminster, 
the 13th day of May. — By the King." Foedera, tome xi. p. 6. 

1 Hall says, that with his daughter " the Count not only promised 
silver hills and golden mountains, but also would be bound to deliver into 
the King of England's hands all such castles and towns as he or his 
ancestors detained from him within the whole duchy of Acquitain or 
Guienne, either by conquest of his progenitors, or by gift or delivery of any 



ington, the King's secretary, and Edward Hull, Esq. 
were appointed to treat with the Count; when in- 
structions, of which the following is a translation, 
were given to them 

" BY THE KING. 

" The King, to all the faithful in Christ, to whom 
these shall come, greeting. 

" The God and Creator of all things, who hath made 
man superior to the fowls of heaven, the fishes of the 
sea, and all living creatures on the earth, hath declared 
solitude not to be good for him. On this account in 
first instituting the sacred ordinance of marriage, he 
made one like to him for a helper, that by the union of 
the two, under the bond of so sacred an engagement, a 
legitimate origin might be given to posterity, and a con- 
tinuance of the species by their offspring, to the great 
increase of virtue in all future times. Instructed, 
therefore, by the example of this divine institution, and 
pondering, not only on the inconveniences of solitude, 
but also on the great advantages, besides the blessing of 
offspring which would result to the common weal of our 
kingdoms by our marriage ; as the extinction of wars, 
and the strengthening of friendship among loving princes, 
for by such means tranquillity is often produced among 
discordant minds, We have conceived a strong desire, 
under the divine favour, to add to the prosperity of the 
common weal of the faithful, and especially our own, 

French king ; offering farther to aid the same king with money for the 
recovery of other cities, within the said duchy from him and his ancestors 
by the French king's progenitors the Lord de Albreth, and other Lords of 
Gascoyn, unjustly kept and wrongfully withdrawn." — Ed. 1809, pp. 202-3. 



by living under the laws of so holy a sacrament ; and 
whereas it is testified not only by common report, but 
also by persons of the highest credit, that the daughters 
(to us most dear and beloved) of our dearest cousin, 
the Count of Armagnac, are pre-eminent in splendid 
virtues, in comeliness of manners, as well as in the 
perfect gifts of nature, and nobility of birth, we de- 
sire one of them to be chosen in our name to the praise 
of God, and to be joined to us in marriage, in hope of 
obtaining the blessings above-mentioned. 

" To this end, in full reliance on the fidelity, legal 
knowledge, prudence, and circumspection of our faith- 
ful and heartily beloved servants, Robert Roos, Knight, 
Master Thomas Bekyngton, our Secretary, and Ed- 
ward Hull, Esquire, and each of them, to discharge the 
following commission, viz. to choose, in our name, one 
of the said daughters, and to contract espousals with 
her, by profession for the future, or marriage, by 
profession for the present, in whatever manner it may 
most conveniently and orderly be done ; and to agree 
in our name on the spousal gifts to be made, if she 
be a spouse, or of the marriage ones, if she be a wife ; 
and to receive and accept from her the nuptial pro- 
fession of espousal, or of marriage, for the present, 
and of consent to our suit, which she will render in 
return. 

" Moreover to treat with the proxies, parents, and 
friends of the [lady] elect, upon the dower, dowery/ 
nuptial gifts, and the weds to be given and agreed upon 
in this case, and the quality and quantity of each of 
them ; also of the terms, places, and mode of the pay- 
ment and fulfilment of the same ; and also to covenant 



VI 

and agree what time she ought to be sustained at the 
expense of her parents and friends, and to what place 
and when, and at whose expense, and in what manner 
the aforesaid [lady] elect ought to be sent by her 
parents and friends ; and in our name to confirm what- 
ever shall thus be settled, covenanted, and agreed 
upon, so far as pertains to us, with all provisions for 
security that are honest and lawful ; and in our 
name to ask, stipulate, and receive like security ; 
and to sw r ear on our soul that we will not revoke 
the contract, or the present delegation of our power; 
nor will do or procure any thing to be done, by which 
this contract or its due consummation shall be hindered, 
provided it shall be entered into in a lawful manner 
by the said proxies, or any of them ; and also to seek 
due and efficient security from the parents and friends 
of the said [lady] elect, that she will in no wise deviate 
from such contract ; and to do, perform, and expedite 
all other matters which shall be needful and oppor- 
tune touching the said business, or which its aspect 
or nature may require, and which we shall do, or 
could do if we were personally present, even though 
they might require a special mandate. 

" [To these ends] We do make, ordain, create, and 
constitute by these presents, the aforesaid Robert, 
Thomas, and Edward, and each of them singly and 
collectively, our true, legitimate, and undoubted proxies, 
negotiators, and special envoys, and the organ of our 
voice in the afore-mentioned matters; and each of 
them ; promising, on our royal word, that we will at all 
times hold as approved and ratified, whatever shall be 
acted, done, or procured by our aforesaid proxies, or 



VII 

any of them, in the afore-mentioned matters, and each 
of them ; and we do expressly relieve by these presents 
those our proxies and envoys, and each of them, from 
all burthen of giving securities. 

" In testimony, and fuller faith of all and several of 
which things we have given these our letters patent, 
and confirmed them with our great seal appendant* 

Given at Westminster, the 28th day of May." x 

These documents, and a very slight and erroneous 
notice of the transaction by Historians, and in various 
chronicles, are all which has been hitherto known on 
the subject ; hence the Journal kept by one of Beck- 
ington's secretaries, which presents us not only with 
the whole correspondence, but with much information 
on the state of Guienne, and of every thing which 
occurred there from June 1442 to January 1443, be- 
comes a valuable addition to the history both of this 
country and of France. 

At the period in question Jean the Fourth was 
Count of Armagnac : he married first in June 1407, 
Blanch, daughter of Jean V. Duke of Brittany ; and 
secondly, about 1419, Isabel, daughter of Charles the 
Third, King of Navarre. By his second wife he had 
Jean, Viscount of Lomagne, who is often mentioned 
in the Journal ; Charles, Viscount of Fezenzac ; and 
three daughters, Mary, Eleanor, and Isabel, 2 neither 
of whom, in 1442, could have been above twenty- two 
years of age. 

1 Fcedera, tome xi. p. 7. 
2 V Art de Verifier les Dates, vol. ii. p. 277. 



Vlll 

Thomas Beckington, one of the ambassadors to 
the Count, quitted Windsor on his route to Ply- 
mouth, where he was to embark for Bourdeaux, on 
the 5th of June, 1 and joined Edward Hull, his 
colleague, at Enmore, in Somersetshire, on the 16th, 2 
from which place it appears that Hull returned 
to the Court ; for on the 2ord of June, the King 
informed Roos and Beckington that he meant to de- 
tain him about his person until the army, destined 
for the relief of Bourdeaux, was ready. 3 Sir Robert 
Roos, the other ambassador, joined Beckington at 
Exeter on the 24th, 4 and they arrived at Plymouth 
on the 27th of that month, where a correspondence 
took place between them and the King relative to 
their mission, which is exceedingly curious. From it 
we learn that their original instructions directed them 
to treat for a marriage with one of the daughters of the 
Count; that his Majesty, by letter dated on the 23rd 
of June, commanded them to proceed on their voyage, 
and to consider the terms of that part of the instrument 
in a more general sense, so that he might have his 
choice of all the Count's daughters ; but as the am- 
bassadors had no formal instructions to that effect, the 
King says he had signed that letter with his own hand 
which they knew he was not accustomed to do in 
other cases. A singular example is afforded by the 
ambassadors' reply of the rigid attention which was 
then paid to form, with respect to public instruments ; 
for notwithstanding the care taken by Henry to give 

1 Journal, p. 1. 2 Ibid. p. 2. 

3 Ibid. p. 5. i Ibid. p. 3. 



the necessary authority to the commands contained 
in his letter, by affixing to it the royal sign-manual, 
Roos and Beckington wrote to his Majesty on the 
30th of June, stating that the alteration in their in- 
structions appeared to their " simple wits" to have 
wholly abrogated them. They therefore despatched 
one of their attendants to explain their sentiments on 
the subject ; and as, " in a matter of so great a weight," 
men would first ascertain that they were possessed of 
full powers, they entreated his Majesty to send them 
" such power and authority" as would remove any doubt 
in the mind of the party with whom they were sent to 
treat. The messenger returned to Plymouth on the 
7th of July, and brought with him a letter from 
Henry repeating his former commands, which they 
were directed to consider as part of their original 
instructions ; and another commission to that effect 
was also sent them. They were further directed to 
cause the portraits of the children of the Count of 
Armagnac to be accurately painted " in their kirtles 
simple, and their visages, like as ye see their stature, 
and their beauty and colour of skin, and their coun- 
tenances," and to send the pictures to the King as 
quickly as possible, to enable him to select his future 
consort, which is perhaps the earliest notice ever 
discovered of portrait painting in this country, and 
tends to create much greater reliance on the fidelity 
of portraits of the sixteenth century than has hitherto 
been placed in them. The ambassadors were further 
commanded to proceed on their mission, and to re- 
main at Bourdeaux, or Bayonne, as they might think 



proper. 1 On Tuesday the 10th of July, they accord- 
ingly embarked, 2 and the account which occurs of their 
voyage is chiefly remarkable for the religious ceremony 
which is said to have been performed to obtain a fair 
wind. 3 They entered the Garonne on the evening 
of Saturday the 14th of July/ but they did not reach 
Bourdeaux until the Monday following. 5 John de 
Batute, counsellor to the Count of Armagnac, the 
chief of the embassy which the prince had sent to this 
country, accompanied them from England, and left 
Bourdeaux to return to his master, on the Saturday 
after his arrival. 6 

It is, however, here necessary to observe, that 
early in June, 1442, the King of France invaded 
Guienne with the largest army he had ever collected ; 
and on the Feast of St. John the Baptist, 24th June, 
he appeared before Tartas, a small town twelve miles 
from Monte de Marson, and sixty south of Bourdeaux, 
which was then besieged by the English, and had agreed 
to surrender, if not before relieved by the King. 7 

On the Wednesday following Charles laid siege to the 
town of St. Severs, 8 which Monstrelet says was very 

1 Journal, pp. 9, 10. 2 Ibid. p. 10. 3 Ibid. p. 11. 

4 Ibid. p. 11. 5 Ibid. p. 12. 6 Ibid. p. 12. 

7 Johnes' Monstrelet, vol. viii. p. 333, 334. 

8 The couteinporary writer, whose name it seems was William Gruel, 
in his memoir of Arthur III. Duke of Brittany, who was then Constable 
of the French army, states that the Viscount of Lomagne, eldest son of 
the Count of Armagnac, served under the King of France at the siege of 
Tartas ; that on the next day after it surrendered, i. e. the 25th of June, 
they besieged St. Severs, which was assaulted on the Wednesday following. 
— Collection des Memoirs relatifs a VHistoire de France, 1825, tome viii. p. 526. 



XI 



strongly fortified, and commanded by Sir Thomas 
Rampstone, the seneschal of Bourdeaux. After four 
days, during which various attacks were made on 
the bastions, the place was taken by storm, eight 
hundred English having been killed and the go- 
vernor made prisoner. 1 Of these events, Roos and 
Beckington were informed the moment they entered 
the Garonne ; 2 and on the 24th of July they wrote a 
long letter to the King, acquainting him with the loss 
of Tartas and St. Severs, and the deplorable condition 
of the Duchy of Guienne. 3 Their despatch is valuable 
for the minute information which it affords of the state 
of affairs in that province, and exhibits a melancholy 
picture of the English interests. Within eight days 
nearly the whole country, they say, " as well Barons 
as Gentles and others," had rebelled against Henry's 
authority ; nearly all the principal places were in the 
hands of the enemy ; and even Bourdeaux and Bayonne 
were threatened with a siege. Treachery as well as 
force seem to have been used to undermine the in- 
fluence of England, for a report was industriously 
spread before their arrival, that no relief was to be ex- 
pected from this country ; but that the Bourdelais were 
to be left to their fate, or, as Roos and Beckington, em- 
phatically express themselves, " the city was full of 

1 Ibid. The biographer of the Duke of Brittany just cited, observes, that 
but for the presence of the duke much harm would have been done, as he 
protected many women from being violated. Ibid. Berry, King of Arms to 
Charles the Seventh, says that Sir Thomas Rampston, marshal of Guienne, 
had with him in St. Severs one hundred English and Gascon men at arms, 
and four hundred Gascon archers, of whom the greater part were killed. 
Edited by Denys Godefroy, fol. 1661, p. 420. 

2 Journal, p. 11. 3 Ibid. pp. 13 — 19, 



Xll 

rumour and of sorrow, and had no other trust, belief, 
nor conceit, but that they were abandoned and cast 
away for ever." The arrival of the ambassadors, how- 
ever, partially restored their confidence ; and on the 
third day aft^r they reached Bourdeaux, the arch- 
bishop read from the pulpit of the metropolitan church 
translations of Henry's letters, promising immediate 
succour ; and he accompanied the perusal with " a 
right stirring collacion." 1 The prelate's address was 
successful, as the ambassadors inform the King that 
the inhabitants had taken measures for the defence of 
the city ; but they earnestly desired him speedily to 
send reinforcements to Guienne ; and concluded by 
noticing the further success of their enemies in hav- 
ing captured the town of Sursak, and menaced seve- 
ral others. 2 Not satisfied with appealing strongly 
to the King, Roos and Beckington wrote also to 
Cromwell, the lord treasurer; and it seems that the 
messenger who conveyed those letters was accom- 
panied by the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who was 
deputed by the inhabitants of that city to represent 
their situation to the English monarch. The advice 
given by the ambassadors as to the manner in which 
Cromwell was to deal with him, so that his lordship 
might extract the truth, is amusing, 3 and admits of 
the inference that they placed little reliance on the 
fidelity of the magistrates of Bourdeaux. On the 29th 
of July Sir Robert Roos formed an arrangement with 
John de Foix, the Capitowe de la Busch ; 4 and on the 

1 Journal, pp. 12 — 16. The letter referred to will be found in p. 5. 
3 Journal, p. 18. 3 Ibid, pp. 20, 21. 4 Journal, p. 23. 



Xlll 

30th he received a communication from the Count of 
Armagnac, and from John de Batute, his counsellor, 
on the subject of the mission. 1 The Count's letter 
states the pleasure he felt at his arrival; that De 
Batute had acquainted him with his wish to come 
to him, but that he much regretted several things had 
occurred to render it for the time impossible ; and 
he concluded by assuring Roos of his great desire 
to see him, and that he should come to him when- 
ever it could be properly managed. 2 His minister 
repeated the same assurances, and added that the 
Count and himself were most anxious for the accom- 
plishment of the affair, and that his passport had been 
sent for ; by which was meant that the King of France 
had been asked to allow him to pass in safety from Bour- 
deaux to Leittour. With respect to the portraits, Batute 
observed that it was more proper that Roos should 
employ the person who was to paint them, than that 
they should be done by the orders of the Count, who, he 
said, was endeavouring to find an artist by the time he 
arrived. 3 On the 9th of August Sir Robert Roos and 
Beckington availed themselves of an old pilgrim's going 
to England to acquaint the King with the state of af- 
fairs ; and the manner in which the letter is said to have 
been written and forwarded, proves the great difficulty 
which existed in corresponding with this country. 4 Their 
letter to his Majesty stated that the city of D'Ax, or 
Daqs, was taken by the French monarch in person, on 
the 3rd of August ; that the Dauphin with the constable 

1 Journal, p. 23. 2 Ibid. pp. 23, 24, 

3 Ibid. pp. 24, 25. 4 Ibid. p. 26, 



XIV 

and marshal of France proceeded from thence to invest 
Bayonne, which they expected to gain within eight 
days ; that they afterwards intended to advance against 
Bourdeaux, which they observe was in a very ill con- 
dition to sustain a siege ; and they again entreated him 
to lose no time in sending the promised reinforcements, 
as the inhabitants began to despair from not finding 
the assurance contained in the letters to them ful- 
filled. 1 

The capture of Daqs is noticed by Monstrelet, 
who says that after St. Severs was subdued, Charles 
remained there for twelve days, and thence marched to 
besiege Daqs, which occupied him for five weeks, as 
there was a strong fortification in front of one of the 
gates ; that when the battering cannon had partly de- 
molished the walls of the town, orders were given to 
storm that fortification, which held out most obsti- 
nately for five hours, but was at last won about night- 
fall; that ten or twelve Englishmen were killed, and 
very many of the French wounded ; and that the 
inhabitants surrendered on the following day, except- 
ing the Lords, Mountferrand the governor for the 
English, and Enguerrot de St. Per, who were per- 
mitted to march out in safety, but with staves in their 
hands. 2 It is certain that Monstrelet is in error with 
respect to the time when Daqs was taken : he says it 
occurred forty-seven days subsequent to the capture of 
St. Severs, which took place a few days after the 
Wednesday, following Sunday the Feast of St. John 
the Baptist, the 24th of June. Thus, according to 

1 Journal, p. 27. 2 Johnes' Monstrelet, vol. viii. p. 339. 



XV 

that chronicler, it must have been at least as late as the 
17th or 18th of August, whereas the ambassadors inform 
the King that it surrendered to Charles on the third of 
that month. 1 

A much more minute and interesting account of 
the loss of Daqs will be found at the end of the 
Journal, whence we learn that after the surrender of 
the town on the terms there described, three French- 
men were hanged for plundering, and that the person 
in command of the castle treacherously yielded it, and 
joined the enemy. 

The French retained possession of Daqs but a 
few weeks, for on the 24th of August it was regained 
by a gallant stratagem. Piers Arnold, of St. Cryk, 
placed a few cross-bow men secretly in the church near 
the gates during the night, and early next morning 
four of his soldiers, marked with a white cross, the 
distinguishing badge of the French, approached the 
gate, and being suffered to enter, killed the porters, 

1 Berry also states that the French were six weeks before Daqs, and 
adds that the Dauphin led the assault in person ; that the garrison gal- 
lantly defended the town, hut that it at length surrendered to avoid the 
consequences of a storm — Ed. Godefroy, p. 420. But the statement of 
Gruel, the biographer of the Duke of Brittany, differs from both, as he 
says the siege lasted three weeks after Friday the 29th of June, which 
would fix the time of the surrender to about the 20th of July. His words 
are : " On Friday, after the reduction of St. Severs, they besieged Daqs, 
which lasted full three weeks, during which the besieged sallied on the 
French, and did them much damage, as they had good cross-bow men who 
approached close to the enemy, who had no archers. It did not surrender 
until measures were taken for storming it, after which the King remained 
there six or seven days. They then went to St. Severs, thence along the 
Garonne to Agen ; and the constable proceeded to Mont de Marson." — 
Collection des Memoires, tome viii. p. 526. 



XVI 



when Piers and his cross-bow men rushed in, took the 
town, and slew all .the Frenchmen excepting those in 
the castle. The next day several of the English came 
in from Bayonne and the Lawndes ; and on the ensuing 
Monday, 27th August, the Lord Gromond, and but 
Viscount de Hort, scaled the castle, made the lieu- 
tenant and gentlemen who were within it prisoners, but 
put all the inferior persons to death, 1 a fate which the 
former only escaped, that the conquerors might make 
money by their ransoms. 

Repeated interviews took place between Sir Robert 
Roos and the Capitowe de la Busch from the 12th to 
the 15th of August, on which day the former was 
chosen regent or governor ; and he immediately assem- 
bled the men capable of bearing arms for the defence 
of Bourdeaux. 2 On the 24th, letters arrived from 
the Count of Armagnac and De Batute to Roos : 
the count's letter merely desired him to place implicit 
reliance on the communication of his counsellor, who 
repeated his former assurance that his master was most 
anxious for the arrival of himself and his colleagues at 
Leittour, and for the completion of the objects of 

1 Journal, p. 99, 100. 

2 Ibid. p. 100, 101. The account given of the recapture of Daqs by Berry 
is, that the people of Bayonne tampered secretly with the inhabitants, and 
placed an ambuscade in a church near the gate of the city ; and when it 
was opened in the morning, threw themselves into it, and gained the 
town ; that they then immediately besieged the castle, and very bravely as- 
saulted it ; and that on the third day Regnault Guillaume de Bourgingnam 
yielded it, for which he was much blamed. He adds, as soon as the in- 
habitants of St. Severs heard of the rebellion at Daqs, they turned also to 
the English ; but that the Count de Foix, who was their neighbour, soon 
reduced them to obedience. — p. 421, 



xvi! 



their embassy ; that in his opinion they might have reached 
it, and returned by the middle of August, as the French 
troops were then distant from Leittour, though they had 
since approached very close to it ; that the Count had 
nevertheless sent to the King of France for their pass- 
ports, because as he was so near their territories with a 
large force, the Count was advised that he neither ought 
nor could send for them without such passport, intima- 
tion of the nature of their journey having been given 
to his Majesty soon after their arrival at Bourdeaux. 
De Batute concluded by expressing his hope that the 
French monarch would not be influenced by the advice 
of those with whom he was connected, but that the 
Count might still have friends on the banks of the 
Garonne, through whom the ambassadors could se- 
curely pass. 1 In reply, dated on the 24th of August, 
Sir Robert Roos requested the Count to put full con- 
fidence in whatever he might write to De Batute ; 2 but 
from his letter to that person it is manifest that he 
more than suspected the sincerity of their behaviour, 
as he addressed him in the strongest language, and 
even threatened them with the vengeance of the King 
of England. He began by informing him that since 
he left them the case had materially changed ; first, 
that the three states of the English party had elected 
him their regent ; secondly, that in his opinion, when 
Henry was told of the war which the Viscount of Lo- 
magne, the Count of Armagnac's eldest son, carried on 
against the English, he would not be disposed to pro- 
ceed with thenegociation; and thirdly, that the first act of 

i Journal, pp. 29, 30-31. * Ibid. p. 32. 

C 



xvm 

the English army after its arrival, and which was shortly 
expected, would be to invade the Count's territories, a 
circumstance likely to prove their destruction, but for 
which they would have no one to blame but themselves ; 
and that if a change did not immediately take place in 
their conduct, he would no longer wish to go to Leittour, 
or take any further steps in the affair : he assured 
him that his colleagues and himself were well aware 
whence the calamities arose from which the English terri- 
tories had suffered : he begged that he would not sus- 
pect such folly in them as that they should purchase 
evil for good in their mission ; and added, that unless 
they speedily received different news from him, they 
intended to return by the first ship to England to re- 
port to the King the treatment they had met with. 1 

On the 26th of August, the ambassadors learnt that 
the Viscount of Lomagne, and his mother, the Countess 
of Armagnac, had written to the Lady of Toneux, 
stating that if she and her husband would place them- 
selves in the Viscount's hands, they should be consi- 
dered as subjects of France, because Charles had in- 
vaded Guienne and Acquitaine, and had written to 
Lomagne, that as many places on the river Garonne as 
would surrender to him should be kept unharmed with 
their lords and all their property ; and they therefore 
advised her to persuade her husband to surrender 
themselves to the Viscount as subjects of the French 
monarch. 2 Nothing could more plainly show how op- 
posed the mother and brother of the intended Queen 
of England were to the interest of this country ; and 

i Journal, pp. 32, 33. 2 Ibid. pp. 33, 34. 



XIX 

it fully justifies the decided language which Sir Robert 
Roos had used. 

The next notice which occurs of the French army 
is on the 27th. of September when an English esquire, 
his retinue, and five of Beckington's servants went to 
La Reole, a town on the right bank of the Garonne 
about thirty miles from Bourdeaux, which the King of 
France and the Dauphin had for some weeks besieged ; 
but the word describing the precise time has been 
obliterated. 1 A very striking proof of the declining 
influence of the English is exhibited by the con- 
temptuous conduct of the Mayor of Bourdeaux on 
receiving Roos's commands to preserve the town of 
Bergerac ; 2 and Beckington's sentiments are sufficiently 
marked by his reply when summoned to attend a council 
on the 4th of October, " that there was no longer any 
council which cared for the interests of the King;" 3 
nor, after the public declaration of the Dean of 
the church of Bourdeaux in the council-house, that, 
<v if the enemy approached the city, and a thou- 
sand English came to its assistance, they must abide 
by the stronger," could much doubt be entertained 
on the point. 4 Every effort was used by the Regent 
to prevent La Reole from falling into the enemy's hands, 
but without success ; and it was stormed and taken by 
the French on the 8th of October : 5 the castle, however, 
held out until the 7th of December. 6 

It was not until the 11th of October that De Batute's 
reply to Sir Robert Roos's energetic communication of 
the 24th of August was received, 7 though it was dated 

1 Journal, p. 37. 2 Ibid. 8 Ibid. p. 38. 4 Ibid. 

5 Ibid. p. 39. 6 Ibid. p. 72. 7 Ibid. p. 39. 



XX 

at Auch, the capital of the Count's dominions, on the 
15th of September. He commenced with the extra- 
ordinary remark, that as he was unable to write cor- 
rectly in French, he should do so in Latin; and 
assured Roos and Beckington, to both of whom his 
letter was addressed, that Roos's despatch had given 
him much pain and anxiety ; that the Count, who read 
the communication with great astonishment, had par- 
taken of those feelings ; and in reply, he was com- 
manded to inform them that the business then in 
agitation was not begun at the instance of the Count, 
but at the request of the Dukes of Brittany, Orleans, 
and Alengon ; that Roos was well aware that the Count 
was desirous of proceeding in it; that Armagnac was 
wholly unable to comprehend what Roos meant by 
saying he would not proceed in the affair until he saw 
the government and disposition of the country changed, 
but he was resolved to communicate with the Dukes 
just mentioned, and the ambassadors might do the 
same if they pleased : he then assured them that he was 
above all things desirous of the completion of the affair, 
and would therefore speak what his heart dictated. 
With respect to the three causes which Sir Robert 
said had changed the business, he congratulated him in 
his lord's and his own name on his being appointed 
Regent, but observed, that he could not see why that 
should interfere, because if he was then too much oc- 
cupied to attend to it, he would shortly have more 
leisure ; that with respect to the conduct of the Viscount 
of Lomagne it ought to be no impediment, for as the 
treaty was not concluded, he could not with honour 
to himself, or without exposing his father's territories 



xxi 

to pillage, have disobeyed the commands of the French 
king ; that with reference to the English army, they had 
done nothing which could justly entail hostilities upon 
them ; that since Roos had said that he knew whence 
the war had arisen, he challenged him to say openly 
whence it had arisen ; that it was impossible they could 
say it had originated with the Count, unless they be- 
lieved the reports of his enemies, who, he expected, 
would strive to impress the ambassadors with that 
opinion. Since his departure from them, he remarked, 
Sir Robert Roos appeared quite changed ; and after 
assuring him that the war had been commenced by 
their enemies, he alluded to Roos's intention to re- 
turn to England and acquaint Henry with what had 
taken place : he said he did not believe he could report 
unfavourably of them unless he acted upon the infor- 
mation of their avowed enemies ; and assured the am- 
bassadors that the Count was prepared to proceed in 
the business whenever it pleased the King of England : 
he expressed his regret that such an alliance should 
remain unaccomplished through the representations of 
their adversaries : he implored the Almighty to bestow 
his maledictions on those who obstructed it ; in 
conclusion observed, that the Count would never allow 
of any innovation in the government of his dominions ; 
and he entreated Roos and Beckington to believe that 
if there was no want of zeal on their parts, the em- 
bassy would terminate happily. 1 

On the 14th of October the English ambassadors 

1 Journal, pp. 39—44. 



XX11 



answered Batute's letter : they stated that the origin of 
the negociation was a question which they had neither 
the authority nor the inclination to discuss, but he 
could not but be aware, from his personal observations 
in England, of the earnest wish which was there mani- 
fested for the alliance, and which was fully evinced 
by the reception which he and his suite every where 
experienced j 1 that with respect to his assurance that 
the Count was still desirous of proceeding in the affair, 
they should be astonished at any change in his mind on 
the point, notwithstanding that facts seemed to imply 
it, especially when they considered the honour, fame^ 
and dignity which its conclusion would bring to his 
house ; that they rejoiced at his resolution to prosecute 
it, but should be still better pleased if he would carry 
his purpose into effect, and release them from the tire- 
some delay by which much money and time had been 
wasted ; that as to his not knowing what they meant 
by saying that they should return to England unless 
they saw the government of the country changed, they 
denied that they either said or thought any thing about 
the country, but as they knew they were writing to an 
intelligent man, they had used great caution on so 
secret a subject ; that if in addition to what they had writ- 
ten, in which they had perhaps gone too far, he would 
weigh the letters which had been lately sent by the 

1 Hall particularly alludes to the manner in which Batute and his 
companions were received in England : " The ambassadors wer bothe wel 
heard, and lovyngly enterteined, and in conclusion, with a gentle answere 
(not without great rewardes) they departed into their country/' — Ed. 1810. 
p. 203, 



XX111 



party in question, he would have no difficulty in per- 
ceiving their real sentiments; that in treating sepa- 
rately on the three facts which they said had altered 
the appearance of things, he had mistaken the 
writers' intention, who wished them to be viewed in 
conjunction, and not separately ; that as to the Viscount 
of Lomagne, the verse 

" Est modus in rebus ; sunt certi denique fines, 
Quos ultra citraque nequit consi3tere rectum" 

might be applied to him ; that to all the other points 
in his letter one answer would be sufficient, namely that 
they were in no way allured or seduced from their 
sincere and honest intentions by the arguments or flat- 
teries of any persons whatsoever, a charge which he 
was not justified in making ; that they desired nothing 
more than to see the Count fulfil his engagement with 
sincerity, so that they might be released from spending 
their time and property at Bourdeaux to no purpose. 1 

It is evident that this letter was intended, in some 
measure, to qualify Roos's former communication, which 
admitted of no other construction than that which 
Batute gave to it. On the 13th they wrote again to that 
individual, to say, that as there did not appear to be any 
probability of their going to the Count in safety, they 
had resolved, with the view of hastening the business ; 
that the three portraits should be completed, and sent 
to them as speedily as possible ; that they wished 
Batute, or some other person possessed of full 

1 Journal, pp. 45 — 47. 



XXIV 

powers, would immediately come to Bourdeaux or to 
some intermediate place, safe for both parties, to treat 
on the young lady's dower, of her jewels and clothes, 
the ceremony of her reception, &c. and to what 
place she ought to be conducted at the Count's ex- 
pense ; and that a pursuivant, or herald, might accom- 
pany the person so authorized, who, if any doubt 
arose, could be sent to the Count, and return with 
his answer. 1 

On the 17th of October the ambassadors sent de- 
spatches to the King, the Duke of Gloucester, and to 
Cardinal Beaufort, 2 but the letter to his Majesty is 
alone given. That letter 3 affords much information 
on the state of Guienne, as it minutely describes 
the successful progress of the French monarch, the 
names of the towns he had taken, and the despon- 
dency of the English party at the non-arrival of 
assistance from England. It is difficult to explain the 
cause of this extraordinary neglect ; for the ambas- 
sadors assure the King, that if the least reinforce- 
ment had arrived, the French monarch would in all 
probability have been made prisoner ; 4 and that if a few 
men had been sent when they were promised, the 
country might have been preserved, but that 20,000/. 
would not then recover what was lost ; or even, if as 
heretofore, the merchant ships had come after the 
vintage, for wine, their crews would have prevented the 
mischief which the enemy had committed. 5 This infor- 

1 Journal, pp. 47, 48. 2 Ibid. p. 48. 3 Ibid. p. 49—53. 

Hbid. p. 49. h Ibid. p. 51. 



XXV 

mation would, they add, prove to his Majesty how their 
mission had been impeded ; that De Batute had told 
them Charles would not be induced to grant them pass- 
ports to the Count of Armagnac, and that they saw no 
probability of being able to approach him ; l but it is 
remarkable, that they do not even hint a suspicion of 
the Count's sincerity, though they had expressed them- 
selves so very strongly on the point to his counsellor, 
They begged Henry to acquaint them with his plea- 
sure as to their conduct ; and, at the request of the 
council of Bourdeaux, they entreated his Majesty 
not to grant any lands there which might be asked of 
him without the advice of that body, who intended 
to make known to him the ill consequences that had 
attended some former donations. 2 

Edward Hull, the colleague of Roos and Beck- 
ington, arrived at Bourdeaux from England on the 
22nd of October, 3 and was the bearer of letters from 
the King to the former, dated the 21st of September, 
and to the inhabitants of that city. Henry, after ap- 
plauding the conduct of Roos and the Secretary, 
informed them that the Earl of Somerset was about 
to leave England with a large army, and desired them 
to use all possible means to keep the people of Bour- 
deaux in their allegiance. 4 To the inhabitants, Henry 
expressed his deep sense of their loyalty and suffer- 
ings, and assured them that he had assembled a great 
force under the command of a prince of his blood and 

i Journal, p. 51. 2 Ibid, p. 52. 

*Ibid. p. 53. ; 4 Ibid. pp. 54, 55. ] 



XXVI 

lineage, which should be sent to their assistance in all 
possible haste. l 

On the 25th, Hull delivered to Roos and Beck- 
ington the King's letter, dated the 20th of July, thank- 
ing them for their services in their mission to the Count 
of Armagnac, and signifying that he had now sent 
Hull to them, who would more fully acquaint them 
with his wishes. 2 The next day a successful attack 
was made by the regent, Hull, the Capitowe de la 
Busch and others to the number of one thousand, on 
the French near the town of St. Lupe, where they 
had been scowring the country. They compelled the 
enemy to retreat ; and for several days afterwards the 
women of the neighbourhood continued to bring in 
prisoners. 3 

1 Journal, pp. 55 — 57. The Earl of Somerset was thus related to 
Henry the Sixth : — 



Blanch, daughter and 
co-heir of Henry, Earl 

of Lancaster. 



John of Gaunt, Duke of i Katherine 
Lancaster, son of Edward Swinford. 
the Third, ob. 1399. \ 



Henry the Fourth, John de Beaufort, 

~r ob. 1412. Earl of Somerset, 

ob. 1410. 



Henry the Fifth, 

T ob. 1422. John, Earl of 

Somerset. 

Henry the Sixth. 
A contemporary chronicler says, " A 21 Henry VI. In this yere 
wente S r William Bonevylle Knight to Bordeux with JL of good fytynge 
men to kepe the town unto the tyme a grett retenewe myght be mad and 
sent thider ; and in this yere wente over the see the erle of Somerset with 
XM 1 of goode men ; and he hadde over with hym gret ordinance of gonnes 
brigges, scalyng laddres, and manye mo othere things, whom J'hu spede 
for his mercy." — Chronicle of London, 4to. 1826, p. 132. 

2 Journal, pp. 57, 58. 3 Ibid. pp. 58, 59. 



xxvn 



Hull having brought from England an artist named 
Hans, or Hansa, to paint the likenesses of the daughters 
of the Count of Armagnac, Sir Robert Roos wrote to 
that personage on the 3rd of November, stating 
that he had then sent Hans to him, and begged 
that he would cause the business to be hastened, so 
that he might return without delay, for if the King 
did not hear from them during that month he would 
be displeased : he requested that he would consider the 
said artist recommended to him ; and added, that he 
had written more fully on the subject to De Batute. 1 
To that individual the ambassadors always wrote con- 
jointly, though the chief of them, Sir Robert Roos, 
alone addressed the Count, and he only was written to 
by that personage, circumstances which probably 
arose from the diplomatic etiquette of the age. They 
informed De Batute, that with their letters of the 13th 
of October they had sent one to " the Duke," by 
which the Duke of Orleans is perhaps meant, but of 
which a copy does not occur ; that as they had then 
suggested to Batute that portraits of the ladies should 
be forwarded to them, they had now sent a very able 
artist to paint them, who they begged might be fur- 
nished with the necessary sittings : they reminded him 
of their wish that a person should be despatched to 
treat with them, and proposed Mount Secure as the 
best place for the purpose, because, it was near the 
Count's dominions, it possessed an abundance of provi- 
sions, and was very safe ; and they repeated their wish 
as to the powers to be delegated to the person who 
might be appointed. In a postcript they acquainted 
him with the arrival of their colleague, Hull, who they 

1 Journal, p. 60. 



XXV111 

said was astonished at their long and fruitless stay: 
and they entreated him to hasten the matter, otherwise 
he must excuse their departure, lest they might incur 
blame in other quarters, it being then nearly half a 
year since their embassy commenced. 1 

Duplicates of Batute's letter of the 15th of Septem- 
ber, with an addition stating, that not having had any 
reply, he had then sent a copy of it, and requesting 
them to write to him immediately, arrived on the 5th 
of November ; and the difficulty of communication is 
shown by his desiring the ambassadors not to be sur- 
prised at the date of his letters, as they had been car- 
ried half-way and brought back, from their not being 
able to find persons to convey them. 2 

On the 10th of November, Sir Robert Roos, who a 
few days before had a violent dispute with the Dean of 
St. Andrews, on public affairs, 3 probably in consequence 
of the expression imputed to him in a former part of the 
Journal, 4 left Bourdeaux for Langon, a town on the 
Garonne about twenty miles distant, accompanied by 
Hull, three hundred men at arms, and the same num- 
ber of archers. 5 That town was destroyed on the 12th, 
on which day Beckington wrote to his colleagues, 
chiefly we are told on the verse, " Pacem tractabant, et 
fraudes intus arabant." " They treated of peace, but in- 
wardly cultivated deceit," 6 which is conclusive evidence 
of his opinion of the Count of Armagnac's conduct. 
During the absence of Roos and Hull, Beckington 
exerted himself to send reinforcements to La Reole : 
three small vessels full of armed men were accordingly 

1 Journal, p. 61, 63. 2 Ibid. p. 64. 3 Ibid. p. 65. 

4 Ibid. p. 38. 6 Ibid. p. 65. 6 Ibid. 



XXIX 

despatched ; x and we are informed that he frequently 
wrote to his colleagues, urging various reasons why they 
should not delay going to the Count. 2 Letters were 
received from Armagnac and his counsellor, dated the 
7th, on the 19th of November. 3 The first merely thanked 
Roos for his steady efforts for the accomplishment of 
his mission ; 4 whilst Batute repeated the assurance 
that his master and himself were most anxious for the 
completion of the affair ; that the state of the country 
had alone prevented a compliance with their request 
to have persons sent to treat with them ; that the Count 
was still doing every thing in his power to procure 
them a safe mode of going to him ; but that if they still 
preferred having persons sent to them it should 
be done : he begged them to reply without delay, 
and not to imagine that they were influenced by the 
Viscount of Lomagne : he expressed his hopes that 
the roads would soon be open to them, and appears to 
allude in a secret manner to the expectation that the 
promised forces from England would have effected it. 
After various civil expressions, he concluded by ob- 
serving that if they wished the Count to mediate for a 
truce, or for peace with the French, he was certain he 
would do so, which was desirable for many reasons, 
but chiefly because it would secure the accomplishment 
of their wishes relative to the marriage. 5 

Beckington immediately forwarded these letters by 
his chaplain to his colleagues who were at St. Macary, 
a small town on the Garonne, eight miles from Bour- 
deaux. 6 Roos returned to that city on the 24th of 

1 Journal, p. 66. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid, pp, 66, 61. 

5 Ibid. pp. 68, 70. ■ 6 I6i</.pp. 67, 71. 



XXX 

November ;* and on the 6th of December the Arch- 
bishop of Bourdeaux arrived from England. 2 The 
castle of La Reole having capitulated on the 7th, 
on the 8th George Swillington, an English Esquire, 
the commander of that fortress, came to Bourdeaux. 
During the siege the French suffered severely from the 
severity of the weather, and from the want of provisions, 
the whole of which was brought from Toulouse, about 
one hundred miles distant. 3 If the castle had held 
out a little longer, it is most probable that the French 
would have been obliged to raise the siege, for on the 
very day after it yielded, the river by which all 
their food was conveyed was frozen over. 3 Though 
not noticed in the Journal, the French monarch was 
accidentally and dangerously, wounded in the shoul- 
der, in one of the mines, before the castle of La Reole, 
by an arrow shot by the Count D'Eu ; 3 but that 
document states that his majesty's life was in immi- 
nent danger from his lodging in the town having been 
suddenly burnt during the night; and had not the Scots 
mined a wall there, he would have perished in the flames : 
all his property was however destroyed, including the 
sword of St. Louis ; and he effected his escape by the 
said mine in his shirt. 4 

Letters were again received on the 16th of Decem- 

1 Journal, p. 71. 2 Ibid. p. 72. 

3 Chronicle of Charles VII. by Berry, King of Arms, folio, 1661, p. 422. 
He says, the castle of La Reole surrendered on the eighth of December, 
and that the town had been commanded by George Soliton, an English 
Esquire, and a Gascon named Le Baron, with at the utmost 100 lances 
and 300 archers. 

A Journal, p. 102, 



XXXI 



ber, dated on the 22nd of November, from the Count 
of Armagnac and De Batute. 1 The Count merely 
acquainted Roos that he had received his letters ; that 
he had seen the artist, who was diligently engaged, 
and would speedily return ; and that by his command 
his counsellor had replied to his communication. 2 The 
latter acknowledged the receipt of the ambassadors' 
letter by Hans the painter, who, he said, had been 
so very hard at work that within a few days the first 
of the portraits would be on the canvas ; and he promised 
to urge him to use the utmost expedition in his task. 
With respect to their proposition that persons should be 
sent to treat with them, he informed them that the Count 
did not consider the affair to require it, because he had 
offered in his last letter to become the mediator of a 
peace or truce with the French, which would remove 
all obstacles to their going to his master ; and he pressed 
them very strongly still to apply to him for the pur- 
pose. He defended the Count and himself from 
being the cause of the delay ; and still professed the 
greatest anxiety for the completion of the treaty. 3 

The ambassadors replied on the 22nd of December. 4 
To the Count, Roos, after acknowledging the receipt of 
his letter, observed, that his colleagues and himself 
thought the artist ought long since to have finished the 
portraits, and to have been sent back to them ; and if he 
had not before set off, he begged that no time might be 
lost in despatching him. 5 To Batute they professed great 
pleasure at finding that the Count's wishes had not 

1 Journal, p. 72. 2 Ibid. p. 73. 3 Ibid. pp. 74, 76. 

4 Ibid. p. 77. 5 Ibid. pp. 77, 78. 



xxxu 

changed, and that the artist had nearly completed 
his undertaking, though they had hoped that he would 
by that time have returned; they thanked Batute for 
the zeal he had evinced, which, they did not doub 
would one day receive from other quarters far 
greater reward than they could bestow ; they en- 
treated that the painter might be sent back as soon as 
possible, for " considering the present statj of affairs, 
we have no hope but in seeking a certain medicine for 
the disorder, without which the business could not be 
concluded ;" by which they evidently allude to their return 
to England, with the view of hastening the departure of 
the army. " They do not think it right," they said, " that 
the Count should put himself forward in making truces, 
to which, besides other reasons, it is a sufficient objec- 
tion that it would interfere with the treaty and render 
him still more an- object of suspicion :" moreover, they 
added, there was a certain great man in the French 
party, who was considered to rule every thing, who had 
many times protested against the proposed alliance be^ 
tween England and the Count. 1 

Their return to England, which is hinted at in that 
letter, was decidedly announced in a communication to 
De Batute, dated on the 30th of December. After 
expressing their satisfaction at the assurance con- 
tained in his letter of the 8th of November, and 
alluding to their own zeal, they observed, that as it 
was necessary to provide without delay for the ge- 
neral security of the country, they were prepar- 
ing to go to 'England, from which " they expect to 

1 Journal, pp. 78-80. 



XXXlll 

come back with a medicine of such kind as will accelerate 
the business :" they advised him to act with constancy 
and to await the result with patience ; they admitted that 
he deserved more reward than he had received for 
his meritorious conduct; and concluded by saying 
that they were daily expecting the artist, and were most 
anxious to receive the portraits that they might take 
them with them. 1 

Beckington took leave of Sir Robert Roos and Hull, 
on the 10th of January, 1 442-3, 2 and immediately pro- 
ceeded to a ship opposite Nostre Dame; 3 and on 
the 17th he quitted the Garonne for England. 4 His 
passage was, however, impeded by remaining for several 
days at Crowdon in Brittany, 5 apparently in conse- 
quence of a foul wind. On the 5th of February the 
writer of the Journal states that he heard from a Breton 
that Sir William Bonville, with four thousand men and 
thirty-five ships, destined for Bourdeaux, were at Ply- 
mouth eight days before, and were, he conjectured, by 
that time not far from that city. 6 

At noon, on Tuesday the 10th of February, Beck- 
ington landed at Falmouth, and rested from the 
fatigues of his voyage in the house of the bailiff 
of Penryn, two miles from that place ; and the next 
day he commenced his journey to London. 7 On the 
20th he met Sir Robert Roos who left Bourdeaux 
shortly after the 14th of January, on which day 
letters arrived there from the Count of Armagnac and 

1 Journal, pp, 81, 82. 2 Ibid. p. 84. 3 Ibid. 

4 Ibid. p. 85. 5 Ibid. pp. 85, 88. 6 Ibid. p. 89. 7 Ibid. 

d 



XXXIV 

De Batute, which Roos then communicated to his col- 
league. 1 

These letters, which are the last that are extant 
on the subject of the negociation, are dated at L'Isle in 
Jourdain on the 3rd of January, and acknowledged 
the receipt of the ambassadors' last letters. Their 
former assurances of zeal for the cause were repeated, 
and Batute stated that the artist had finished one 
of the portraits ; that Armagnac lamented exceed- 
ingly the object of their mission could not then 
be attained ; that if unable to proceed in the affair 
according to their wishes, the Count would be always 
ardently disposed towards it, according to the plea- 
sure of Henry ; that it would be right for them to 
make some arrangement that would afford a facility to 
both parties, in which the Count would co-operate as 
far as possible, unless his efforts were again resisted, 
in which case Batute said, he feared the affair might be 
longer protracted ; and he entreated them to take the 
necessary measures for passing to the appointed place : 
the Count, he observed, had anticipated what they had 
written relative to a truce ; that he was still very sincere 
in the proposition, but it had so happened that his 
wishes were opposed on both sides ; and in conclusion, 
he promised to write more fully by the artist. 2 

On the 21st of February Beckington dined at 
Chiswick with the Lord Chancellor, and supped with 
the Lord Mayor, in London. 3 The next day he went to 
Greenwich to the Duke of Gloucester, whence messen- 

1 Jmrnul, p. 90 2 Ibid. pp. 91— 95. 

*Ibid. p. 95. 



XXXV 

gers were despatched to the Lord Treasurer and to the 
Earl of Suffolk j 1 and on the ensuing Saturday he dined 
with the Lord Treasurer. 2 On Sunday, the 24th, 
he dined with the Chancellor, 3 and in the afternoon 
accompanied the Earl of Suffolk in a boat on the 
Thames to Shene, to his Majesty, 4 with whom he 
dined on the following day; 5 and in the afternoon 
he had an interview with Cardinal Beaufort on the 
King's affairs. 6 He supped with the Bishop of Nor- 
wich ; and the next morning returned to Shene with the 
cardinal's reply. 7 

With this statement the Journal concludes ; but it is 
requisite to add, from other authorities, an account of 
the conclusion of the negociation with the Count of 
Armagnac. 

There can be no doubt that the ambassadors placed 
very little reliance on the sincerity of the Count's pro- 
fessions ; but it is difficult to imagine a more pitiable 
situation than that in which he was placed, and which 
is sufficient to explain, if not to justify, his conduct. 
Though not at that moment at enmity with the King 
of France, he was by no means possessed of his con- 
fidence ; and the proposed alliance with England ma- 
terially increased that monarch's displeasure. An 
army was in the immediate vicinity of his territories, 
and awaited only the slightest pretence to seize upon 
them, and destroy the little power he possessed. It 
is true that his eldest son, the Viscount of Lomagne, 
was serving with the French ; but the advantage which 



1 Journal, p. 95. * Ibid. 3 Ibid. p. 96. 4 Ibid. 

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 



XXXVI 

the Count derived from the fact, so far as Charles was 
concerned, was counterbalanced by the offence which 
it naturally gave to his proposed ally ; and which, toge- 
ther with some other facts, induced Sir Robert Roos 
to menace him with the vengeance of the English army 
on its arrival. It must also be remembered that the 
Count held his possessions of the Crown of France, and 
that any act against that country would have justified a 
seizure of his person and territories for high treason. 
The difficulty of preserving so strict a neutrality towards 
his superior Lord and towards the country with which 
he was negociating an alliance in direct opposition to the 
wishes of his sovereign, as would satisfy the two hostile 
parties, may be easily imagined ; and it accounts for the 
little faith which the English ambassadors placed in 
his assurances. Armagnac was evidently temporising 
between his wishes and his fears ; and to the latter the 
procrastination, if not want of faith which he displayed, 
may be imputed. The only means which occured to 
him for completing his engagement with England with- 
out offence to France, was to offer to mediate a peace 
between the two countries ; but his proposition served 
only to increase the jealousy of the English ambassadors, 
and they did not hesitate to tell him that they disapproved 
of his intentions. We are not informed of the manner 
in which the Count received the intimation of the de- 
parture of the ambassadors from Bourdeaux, his last 
letter having been written before the despatch which 
decidedly announced their intention to return, reached 
him. Certain it is, however, that no second mission 
was ever sent to him; and the little which can be 
added on the subject admits only of the inference, that, 



XXXV11 

like most neutrals, he was thrown overboard by both 
parties. A slight notice of the Count of Armagnac, and 
of the fair candidates for the heart and throne of the 
young English monarch, is necessary to prove the 
error which historians have committed with respect to 
the motive of the Count's overture to Henry. 

The names of the consorts and children of the 
Count of Armagnac have been already stated. 1 After 
the termination of the treaty with England, the history 
of the family presents an almost uninterrupted series 
of crimes and misfortunes ; and a slight digression is 
necessary to trace the latter to their source. 

Margaret, daughter and heiress of Peter Raymond, 
the second Count de Cominges, was thrice married: 
first, to John III. Count of Armagnac ; 2 secondly, to 
John de Armagnac, eldest son of Gerard, Viscount of 
Fezenzaguet; and thirdly, to Matthew de Foix, bro- 
ther of John Count of Foix. De Foix, who became 
possessed of his wife's patrimony, treated her with in- 
gratitude and cruelty, by confining her in a castle for 
nearly twenty years. The states of Cominges, at length, in 
1439, petitioned the King of France to obtain her deli- 
verance ; and her husband was accordingly summoned 
to appear before the Dauphin, at Toulouse. Availing 
himself, however, of an order, which shortly afterwards 
arrived to attend the King, he avoided obeying the 
Dauphin's command ; and Margaret remained a prisoner 
until the conclusion of a treaty between her husband 
and his Majesty, on the 9th of March, 1443. By that 
treaty it was agreed that De Foix should enjoy one 

1 p. vii. 2 Uncle of Jean IV. he died without male issue. 



xxxvm 

part of the territories of Cominges, and his wife the 
other ; that the survivour should succeed to both ; but 
that after their decease it should be reunited to the 
crown. Margaret was then placed in the King's hands, 
and was sent to Poitiers, where she died at a very 
advanced age in the same year. 1 After her death the 
Count of Armagnac took possession of one part of the 
county of Cominges, an act which completed the cata- 
logue of his offences against the French monarch ; and 
he instantly resolved on punishing him for his pre- 
sumption. The Dauphin invaded his dominions ; and 
not satisfied with seizing the lands in dispute, entered 
L'Isle Jourdain, and made the Count and all his family, 
excepting his eldest son, prisoners. Regular proceed- 
ings were instituted against the Count, and among a 
variety of other offences which place his moral cha- 
racter as well as his loyalty in a very unfavourable point 
of view, it was proved that he had assumed the privi- 
lege of styling himself Count, par la Grace de Dieu, 
that he had granted graces and remissions like a sove- 
reign, crimes which in the eyes of a jealous lord were 
of themselves sufficient to render him obnoxious. 2 

Charles being nevertheless unwilling to annihi- 
late the political existence of the Count of Ar- 
magnac, to whom he was related, gave him letters 
of pardon, upon condition that certain places should 
be delivered up to him ; that he and his children 
should take the oath of fidelity to him ; that he should 

l L'Art de Verifier les Dates-. Ed. 1784, tome ii. pp. 266, 267. 
Ibid. p. 276. Art, '■' Comtes D' Armagnac," where the proces verbal 
on the occasion is fully cited, " because modern historians had treated the 
subject very superficially." The charges proved against him, and which 



XXXIX 

renounce all services to the crown of England, together 
with all promises, appoint emens, alliances, &c. ; and that 
neither he nor his successors should ever again use 
the style, "Par la grace de Dieu, Comte D'Armagnac ;" 
and his family and himself were released from prison 
in the month of August, 1445, when he was restored 
to his dominions. 1 

Rapin professes to follow Father Daniel on this sub- 
ject, but he has added some errors of his own to 
those of that writer ; for though Daniel states that it 
was after the King of France had quitted Guienne that 
Armagnac treated with Henry for the marriage of his 
daughter, he assigns that transaction to the year 1443 : 
his account of the release of Margaret, Countess of 
Cominges, differs materially from that given on his 
authority by Rapin; and he no where attributes the 

afford some information on his character, are thus stated : " Outre le crime 
abominable, et celui de fausse mounnie, qui furent constates par temoins 
et par pieces, il fut prouve qu'il persistoit, malgre les defenses du Roi, a 
se dire Comte par la Grace de Dieu ; qu'il donnoit graces et remissions com- 
me un Souverain, et les enterinoit ; qu'il mettoit tailles en ses terres deux 
ou trois fois par an ; qu'il avoit fait pendre a Nismes ung Huissier au 
Parlement de Tholose, nomme Noel, qui venoit executer contre lui ; qu'il 
tenoit trente ou quarante Ribaux es places de Mayreville de S. Varin, et 
de la Fare, que par force il avoit ostees aux Seigneurs, les quels pilloient 
et ran conn oient chascun ; qu'il avoit detrousses les gens de l'Eveque de 
Lodeve et oste leurs chevaux et tenoit leurs places en benefices ; qu'il 
avoit battu, pille, et emprisonne divers ecclesiastiques 5 qu'il battoit son 
confesseur quand il ne vouloit l'absoudre ; qu'il avoit en cinq chasteaux 
de la detrousse que ses gens avoient fait faire sur les chemins en droit 
S. Romain a Messire Jean Taure, Chevalier, de Montpellier ; qu'il tenoit 
frontiere pire au peuple que Anglois ; et prenoit vivres, ble, moutons, 
boeufs, vaches, mulets, pourceaux, s'ils n'avoient de lui sauf-conduit ; que 
ses gens avoient fait violence a diverses filles," &c. 
1 Ibid. 



negociation with England to the treatment which the 
Count had experienced from the King of France, but 
considers that it arose from a wish to be assisted by 
Henry in case of need. 1 Rapin, on the contrary, as- 
serts, but still citing Daniel as his only authority, that 
that monarch twice interfered with Armagnac about his 
conduct towards Margaret de Cominges ; first, on her 
release from the confinement in which she was placed 
by her husband when the settlement of her possessions 
just noticed was made, on which occasion he says he 
was stripped of his privilege of the regale, and for- 
bidden to style himself " Count, by the Grace of God," 
and which he represents as the cause of his seeking 
the alliance with England ; 2 and secondly, in 1443, 
when he follows his author with greater fidelity. 3 

There can be no doubt that Rapin and Daniel 
were both mistaken, as to the date of the negocia- 
tion, since this Journal and the teste of the commis- 
sion to the ambassadors, prove that it took place in the 
autumn of 1442, whilst the King of France was in 
Guienne ; and that the former is wrong in considering 
that there was any proceeding against Armagnac on 
the subject of Margaret de Cominges before her death 
in 1443. At the time the Count made the proposi- 
tion, the greater part of Guienne was in the hands 

1 Histoirede France, Ed. 1729. Tome vi. p. 193. 

2 History of England, Ed. 1732, vol. I. p. 566. 

3 Ibid. p. 67. Rapin says, upon the Dauphin's approach, the Count 
found himself deserted by all his friends, and unsupported by the English, 
though the king was affianced, to his daughter : this, however, was not the 
fact, for it is certain she was not affianced when the ambassadors re- 
returned in February, 1443, and nothing more is known to have occurred 
on the subject. 



xii 

of the English ; and the successes of the French mo- 
narch, which are so minutely noticed in the follow- 
ing pages, did not take place until after Henry's 
ambassadors were appointed ; nor, in fact, had the 
French army even entered that province when the 
Count's overtures arrived in this country. That the 
invasion of Guienne, and the good fortune which 
attended Charles, materially affected Armagnac's sen- 
timents is, however, unquestionable. 

The Count of Armagnac did not survive his restora- 
tion many years, but died of grief and infirmities about 
1450 j 1 and it is to be lamented, for the honour of his 
house, that its misfortunes had not ended with him, for 
the conduct of two of his children is almost unparelleled 
in the history of crime. Of the innocent ones little is 
known : Charles, Viscount of Fezenzac, his second 
son, succeeded his brother as Count of Armagnac in 
1473, after having suffered an imprisonment of fourteen 
years in the Bastile, in consequence of his brother's con- 
duct, " non pour crime de complicite," says his biogra- 
pher, " mais a cause de la proximite du sang;" and he 
adds that no one can read an account of the torments he 
suffered there without horror. His territories having 
been confiscated, he demanded restitution of his in- 
heritance on his release from prison in 1484, which 
was partially granted to him : his sufferings, however, 
having affected his intellects, he was committed to 
the custody of his relative the Duke de Albret. He 
died without legitimate issue in 1497, but left two na- 

1 L'Art de Verifier les Dates, tome vi. pp. 276-7. 



xlii 



tural children, of whom the eldest, Peter Count of 
L'Isle Jourdain, was naturalized in 1510. l 

Mary, eldest daughter of the Count of Armagnac, 
became in 1451 the second wife of John second Duke 
of Alen9on, and died in the odour of sanctity on the 
24th of July, 1473, leaving two children, Katherine 
who married Guy Count of Laval, and Rene, who 
succeeded his father as Duke of Alencon, and whose 
son, Charles Duke of Alencon, was heir to his great- 
uncle, Charles Count of Armagnac. 2 

Eleanor, the second daughter, married on the 4th 
of May, 1446, Louis Prince of Orange, to whom she 
was second wife, and died in 1456, leaving two sons 
and two daughters ; namely, Louis Seigneur de Chateau- 
Guyon, Knight of the Golden Fleece, who was killed 
fighting for the Duke of Burgundy at the battle of 
Grans on in 1476; Hugh Seigneur d'Orbe, who mar- 
ried Louisa, eldest daughter of Amadeus IX. Duke of 
Savoy ; Jeannette, wife of Louis Count de la Cham- 
bre ; and Philippa, a nun at Orbe. 

Isabel, the third daughter, who was the most beau- 
tiful princess of her time, cannot be separated from 
the history of her eldest brother. 

John, the eldest son of the Count of Armagnac, 
who is frequently mentioned in the Journal as the 
Viscount of Lomagne, retired to Spain during the 
imprisonment of his family ; but returned on the death 
of his father, when he succeeded to his inheritance, and 
did homage to the King of France for the County of 
Armagnac, at Montbazon, in November, 1450. Shortly 
1 L'Art de Verifier les Dates, p. 277. 2 Ibid. p. 277, and pp. 887-8. 



xliii 

afterwards he fell desperately in love with his sister 
Isabel, and succeeded in seducing her. Several chil- 
dren being the fruits of this incestuous connection, the 
affair became notorious, and the Pope and Charles the 
Seventh remonstrated with him on his conduct ; but he 
treated them with neglect, and was in consequence 
excommunicated by the Pontiff, to whom he had applied 
for a dispensation with the view of alleviating the remorse 
which preyed on the mind of Isabel. Opposition 
served but to increase his horrible passion ; and having 
bribed Anthony de Cambray, the Pope's referendary, 
that person, in concert with the Apostolic notary, fa- 
bricated a bull, by virtue of which the Count solemnly 
espoused his sister, with the usual ceremonies of the 
Church. 

The French monarch indignant at this proceeding, 
sent the Count of Dammartin with a force to seize Ar- 
magnac's person and territories in 1454. At first he endea- 
voured to defend himself ; but on the approach of the 
army,most of his towns opened their gates; and being 
driven from his dominions, he retired to Arragon, 
where he possessed some castles. In 1457 the King 
commanded the Parliament of Paris to proceed against 
him : he attended its summons, and produced the 
King's letters, which the Court declared to be false, 
and arrested him. He was committed to prison in one 
of the rooms of the palace, but was afterwards enlarged 
upon condition that he would not go beyond ten 
leagues from Paris. Fearful of the effect of the pro- 
cess against him, which was vigorously prosecuted, he 
however fled, and took refuge in Franche Comte ; and 



xliv 

by an arret of the Parliament of the 13th May, 1460, 
he was sentenced to banishment, and his lands were 
confiscated. On the accession of Louis XI. in 1461, 
whom he had aided in his rebellion against his father, 
that arret was annulled ; and the Count recovered his 
dominions. He repaid his benefactor with ingratitude, 
by joining the malcontents in the war " du Bien Pub- 
lique ;" and though he succeeded in making his peace 
with Louis, and swore fealty to him in November, 
1465, he afterwards plotted against him ; but being- 
advised of his intentions, his Majesty sent an army 
to subdue him in 1469. Armagnac again escaped by 
flight ; and having failed to obey the citations to appear 
before the Parliament, a decree of the 7th of Septem- 
ber, 1470, declared his life and goods to be forfeited. 
As soon as the French army quitted the county of 
Armagnac, the Count went to Bourdeaux to induce 
the Duke of Guienne to restore him to his territories : 
that prince having died in May in that year, the 
King despatched forces against the Count, and be- 
sieged him in the town of Lectoure. The prospect of 
famine obliged him to capitulate ; but no sooner had 
the French commander taken possession, and dismissed 
his troops, than Armagnac, profiting by his mistaken 
confidence, re-assembled his followers, and arrested 
him. At this news Louis became transported with 
anger, and proceeded against the Count in person as far 
as Rochelle. In January, 1473, the Cardinal D'Albi 
appeared before Lectoure, which the Count resolutely 
defended for two months, at the end of which time he 
accepted the terms offered him by the Cardinal, and 



xlv 

the treaty was solemnly sworn to be observed. But 
Armagnac now experienced the same treachery which 
he had evinced the year before in the same place ; 
for on the next day, Friday, 5th March, 1473, when 
he had disarmed his troops, and opened the gates 
of the town, the French soldiers entered, invested his 
house, and having reached his apartment, repeatedly 
stabbed him, after which they abandoned themselves 
to the most barbarous excesses. 

He married Jeanne, daughter of Gaston IV. Count 
of Foix, in August, 1468, by whom he had no issue, 
but at the time of her husband's death, who ex- 
pired in her arms, she was enceinte. She survived him 
a few days only, dying at the little town of Castelman 
de Bretenons in Querci, to which she was removed ; 
and her fate is said to have been produced by a potion 
which had been given her to procure abortion. 

Isabel, the wretched sister and paramour of the 
Count, survived him ; but the only fact which is re- 
corded of her is, that having been preserved from the 
effects of the sacking of Lectoure by Gaston du Lion, 
Seneschal of Toulouse, she presented him with all 
her lands on the 16th of May, 1473, when it is most 
probable that she retired to a monastery, and en- 
deavoured to atone for her crimes by religious mor- 
tifications and repentance. 1 

Although we are ignorant of the immediate deci- 
sion which Henry the Sixth formed with respect to the 
treaty with the Count of Armagnac, after the return 
of the ambassadors, it may be safely inferred that it 

VAit de Verifier les Dates, tome ii. p. 277. 



xlvi 

was determined to abandon the alliance ; but as there is 
not a single document among those collected by Rymer, 
which throws light on the subject, and as the statements 
of chroniclers are confused and contradictory, this infe- 
rence can only be justified by the events which soon 
after occurred. It is the common impression that the 
marriage was advocated by the Duke of Gloucester, 
and opposed by William de la Pole, then Earl of Suf- 
folk i 1 but as the writers who have adopted this opinion 
were ignorant of what took place between the Count 
and the ambassadors during their absence from Eng- 
land, and considered that his conduct was consistent 
and sincere, no reliance can be placed on their hypo- 
theses, whilst a contemporary writer, so far from 
imputing the breach of that contract to Suffolk, ex- 
pressly assigns it to treachery on the part of the 
Count. 2 It was, however, one of the charges brought 
against the Duke of Suffolk in 1450, that when the 
King, " afore this tyme," sent his ambassadors to the 
Count of Armagnac to retain him in his allegiance, the 

1 Sharon Turner's History of England, vol. iii. p. 39. 

2 Chronicle of London, p. 130, 20 Hen. VI. " In this yere come 
tidynges unto the kyng that Gascoigne and Gyan was lost save Burdeux 
and Bayon, be the Armynakes take : in the mene tyme ambassatours of 
the same partye of Armynackes were come unto the kyng to entrete for a 
mariage of the erle of Armanackes doughter to be weddyd to the kyng ; 
but because of the same treson the seid mariage was daisshed." The 
manifest error of making the success of the French in Gascony precede the 
Count of Armagnac's embassy, prevents so much credit being given to 
this statement as it would otherwise deserve. In all other points, how- 
ever, it agrees exactly with the impression conveyed by the Journal ; for 
though the French, and not the Armagnacs, besieged the English towns in 
Gascony, yet the eldest son of the Count was serving with them ; and the 
ambassadors evidently suspected " treson" on the part of his father. 



xlvii 



Duke had privately written to the King of France, 
acquainting him with the purport of the embassy, 
whereby " the faithfull legeaunce, eide, and assistence 
of the seid erle of Ermynak, and of the gretest partie 
of the Erles, Barons, Knyghtes, Nobles, and other 
inhabitauntez in your seid duchie of Guyan was not 
had, nother opteyned to you by such ambassate ; 
but the seid Erie and his next frendes, by the myght 
and power of youre seid adversarie, put to over grete 
distresse, emprisonment, andlosse of their grete richesse 
till such tyme as he and his seid frendes, were by 
duresse compelled to be assured to your seid grete 
adversarie, wherof hath followed oon of the grettest 
meanes of the destruction of your seid duchie of Guyen ; 
all which inconvenientez been comyn of the fals dis- 
coveryng of your seid counseill, by the seid Duke of 
Suffolk." 1 

If, as is almost certain, the embassy alluded to was 
the one in June 1442, the meaning of this accusation 
is, that Suffolk acquainted the King of France with the 
proposed alliance the moment it was agitated, and 
thus caused the invasion of Guienne in June in that 
year, a month before Beckington arrived there. Of the 
justice of this charge we have no means of forming a 
decided opinion ; but if Batute's information was cor- 
rect, the Earl is wholly exonerated from the accusation, 
for he evidently believed that Charles was not aware 
of the object of the mission, until after the ambas- 
dors reached Bourdeaux. 2 The fact that no allu- 

1 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 180. 2 Journal, pp. 30, 31. 



xlviii 

sibn is made in the charge of the Commons to the 
failure of that negociation perhaps arose from respect 
to the Queen, to whom an expression of regret that it 
had been prevented would of course have been very 
offensive. Considering the success which had attended 
Charles's arms in Normandy in 1441, he maybe easily 
supposed to have resolved on invading Guienne from 
the defenceless state in which England suffered it to 
remain, without being obliged to seek an explanation 
of the circumstance in the presumed communication of 
Suffolk ; and though perhaps not aware of the exact 
object of the embassy sent to this country by Armagnac 
in May, 1442, it is unlikely that he was ignorant of 
the fact, which was sufficient to excite his suspicion, 
and to make him hasten into Guienne before it was 
attended with any result. 

Whether Suffolk was guilty of the crime imputed to 
him or not is immaterial ; and the following may perhaps 
be considered to be the real circumstances of the case. 
Before the invasion of Guienne by the French monarch 
in June 1442, it appeared equally desirable to the Count 
of Armagnac and the English ministers that an alliance 
should take place between the two countries ; but the 
success which attended the French between June and 
December in that year, the extraordinary neglect of 
England in not sending succours to that province, and 
the consequent state of general feeling there in favour 
of the French, materially altered the Count's sentiments. 
If the manner in which he behaved towards the 
English ambassadors, and the suspicion which they 
entertained of his conduct with respect to the King of 
France, had not induced Henry to break off the nego- 






xlix 

ciation, the seizure of Armagnac's person and dominions 
in the same year by Charles, would certainly have 
produced that effect ; and the Count was deservedly 
left by the King of England to the mercy of the so- 
vereign for whom he had been abandoned. 

The charge of a want of faith, which some writers 
have brought against this country in the negociation 
with the Count of Armagnac, appears therefore to be 
wholly unjust; for even if it was true that the invasion 
of Guienne was the result of Suffolk's communication 
to Charles, it has been shown that Armagnac's suf- 
ferings were produced, not by his adherence to Eng- 
land, but by his having seized on the territory of 
Cominges, and by other acts offensive to the French mo- 
narch, with neither of which was England in any way 
concerned. 

On the 9th of September, 1442, ambassadors were 
appointed to treat with those of the King of France 
for a peace between the two countries on the 25th 
of the ensuing October ;* but this not being success- 
ful, another effort was made in January 1442-3, on 
the 22nd of which month letters of safe conduct were 
granted to the Bastard of Orleans and his retinue to 
pass into the king's dominions in France for that 
purpose. 2 In February the Earl of Suffolk ; Sir 
Robert Roos, the former colleague of Beckington ; 
Adam Molins, Dean of Salisbury, Keeper of the Privy 
Seal ; Richard Andrew, Doctor of Laws, the King's 
Secretary ; Sir Thomas Hoo, Knight ; and John Wen- 

1 Foedera, tome xi. p. 14. 2 Ibid. p. 51. 

e 



1 

lock, Esquire, were appointed ambassadors to nego- 
ciate a peace between England and France, and a 
marriage between the King and Margaret, daughter of 
Rene, Duke of Anjou, and titular King of Sicily, bro- 
ther of Louis III. King of France. 1 That marriage 
was celebrated by proxy at Tours, and again with 
Henry at Southwick in April 1445. 2 The Queen ar- 
rived in London on the 28th ; 3 and was crowned at 
Westminster on the 30th, of May. 

The influence which that Princess, whom Hall 
quaintly informs us " excelled all other as well in 
beauty and favour, as in wit and policy, and was of 
stomach and courage more like to a man than to a 
woman/' exercised in England, and its direful conse- 
quences, are well known ; and one chronicler, in igno- 
rance of the merits of the Count of Armagnac's con- 
duct, though he lived a few years after the transaction 
occurred, has imputed Henry's subsequent misfortunes 
to the " brekyng of the Kinges promise to the sustre 
oftheerle of Armynake ;" 4 whilst Hall, Grafton, Hol- 
lingshed, and other writers, appear to have been the 
sources of those errors on the subject, into which all 
subsequent historians have fallen. 

1 Fcedera, tome xi. p. 60. 

2 A notice is preserved of the Queen's wedding ring which is interest- 
ing. The Keeper of the Privy Seal was commanded to deliver to the 
Keeper of the King's Jewels, by writ tested 12th January, 1445. " A ryng 
of gold, garnysshed with a fayr rubie, sometime yeven unto us by our bel 
oncle the Cardinal of Englande with the which we were sacred on the 
day of our coronation at Parys, delivered unto Mathew Phelip, to breke, 
and thereof to make an other ryng for the Quenes wedding ring." — Fcedera, 
vol. xi. p. 76. 

3 Chronicle of London, p. 134. 

4 Chronicle of St. Alban's, printed in 1486. 






MEMOIRS OF 

THOMAS BECKINGTON, BISHOP OF BATH; 

SIR ROBERT ROOS, KNIGHT BANNERET ; 

AND 

SIR EDWARD HULL, KNIGHT. 



A slight notice of the persons who were appointed 
Ambassadors to the Count of Armagnac on the oc- 
casion to which the Journal relates may be accept- 
able, especially as one of them ranked among the 
most distinguished men of his age, and the others 
were indviduals of some consequence. 



THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, 

BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. 

Of the parentage of this eminent person not the 
slightest notice has been taken by either of his nume- 
rous biographers ; and as he acquired a name from the 
place of his birth, Beckington, a small town three 
miles north of Frome in Somersetshire, it is almost 
certain that his family was obscure. The period when 
he was born can only be conjectured ; and for many 
reasons it may be assigned to about the year 1385. 
In consequence of his elegant person and superior 
understanding having attracted the regard of Bishop 
Wykeham, he was educated at the school founded by 
that prelate at Winchester, where he surpassed most of 
his school-fellows in his studies. 1 Thence he was re- 
moved to New College, Oxford, of which he be- 
came a Fellow in 1408 ; and he continued to enjoy 
that situation about twelve years, during which time 
he was presented to the rectory of St. Leonard's, near 
Hastings, in Sussex, and to the vicarage of Sutton 
Courtney, in Berkshire. 2 He took the degree of 
Doctor of Laws, and obtained various ecclesiastical 



i Chaundler. 

^Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 573. From the Journal, it appears that in 
1 442 he was a Prebend of Wells. — p. 2. 



liv THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, 

dignities ; being successively, Prebendary of Bedwin ; 
Canon of York and Litchfield ; Archdeacon of Buck- 
ingham about 1435 ; Canon of Wells, 21st April, 
1439 ; l and was appointed Master of the Hospital of St. 
Katherine's, near the Tower of London. He is said 
to have been also an advocate in Doctor's Commons, 
and afterwards Dean of the Court of Arches, in which 
situation, in 1429, he was employed jointly with Wil- 
liam Linwood, Official of that Court, and Thomas 
Brown, Vicar General to the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, to draw up the form of law according to which 
the Lollards were to be proceeded against. 2 

Chaundler, who was Chancellor of Wells, and 
subsequently Chancellor of Oxford, describes him 
as the most elegant man of his times ; and states that 
he was possessed of nearly every virtue which adorns 
human nature. Beckington is said to have mate- 
rially increased his fame by an elaborate and very 
learned treatise on the Salique law, which is now 
extant. His high reputation recommended him to 
his patron, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, to whom 
he was Chancellor ; and it is most probable that he was 
indebted to that Prince for the appointment of Tutor 
to King Henry the Sixth. As early as February, 1432, 
he was nominated one of the ambassadors to negociate 
a peace with France, with an allowance of twenty shil- 
lings a day, at which time he was one of the King's coun- 
sellors ; 3 and it is certain that he was attached to the 
mission which was sent in June 1435 to Arras, in Artois, 

1 Anglia Sacra. 3 Kippis's Biographia Britannica, vol. ii. p. 114. 
8 Fcedera, tome x. pp. 500, 514, 527, 530. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. lv 

with the object of effecting peace with France, as his diary 
containing an account of the proceedings is preserved ;* 
but his name does not occur in the instructions issued 
by Henry on the occasion. 2 In May, 1439, he was one 
of the ambassadors on a similar mission, and to treat 
for the release of the Duke of Orleans, 3 his Journal 
of which embassy still exists ; 4 and before December in 

Anglia Sacra, v. I. p. 573. The MS. containing it is said to be the 
Cottonian MS. Tiberius, B.VI. which has been since lost ; but a contem- 
porary copy of the contents of that volume, will be found in the Harleian 
MS. 4763, which is thus described in the Catalogue : 

" Codex membranaceus, bene scriptus. 

1. Opus Thomse Beckington, Episc. Batho-Wellensis, 1441, de Jure 
Regis Anglicz ad Franciam, quoad in Bibl. Cott Liber. B. VI. et alibi extat 
Titulus rubricatus, incuria fere deletus, hujusmodi est, ' Opus collectum 
et compilatum per venerabilem patrem Thomam, Bathon. et Wellens. 
Epm. ex Uteris, allegationibus, conclusionibus, conventionibus, et tracta- 
tibus, nonnullisque alias negotiis concernentibus jus et titulum regis 
Anglise ad regnum et coronam Franciae, cum aliis multis quae ea occasione 
secuta sunf. Incipit feliciter.' — Vide Tanner, Bibl. Brit. Hib. sub Beck- 
ittgton, Inseritur, inter alia, F. Petrarchse Ecloga 12. Latino Carmine, 
quasi idem argumentum illustrans. 2. Vita Henrici Quinti, Regis Anglise, 
carmine elegiaco Latino. An eodem auctore ? Scriptor quisquis fuerit, 
haec narrat in prologo. ' Non tamen omnia qua? sunt facta per ordinem, 
in Latinis versibus continentur, qucs, in alio libra prosaice studui explanare 
sed pauca de multis substantialia sub compendio volui anno ne forte 
lectorem contingeret tedio omittere qua? sunt utt'io memoranda." Argu- 
mentum plenissimum regnum Henrici in annos et capitula digerit. 
2 Foedera, tome x. p. 611. 3 Ibid. p. 728. 

4 Cotton. MS. Tiberius, B. XII. of which the following imperfect 
account occurs in the Catalogue : " Codex partim membran : partim chart : 
in fol : min : incendio nimium corruptus, constat hodie foliis 235. 

1, Opus collectum et compilatum per ven: patrem Thomam (Beck- 
ington?) Bathon et Wellens. episcopum, ex Uteris, allegationibus, conclu- 
sionibus, conventionibus, et tractatibus, nonnullisque aliis negotiis et mate- 
riis concernentibus jus et titulum regis Angliae ad regnum et coronam 



lvi THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, 

that year lie was styled the King's Secretary. On the 
20th May, 1442, he was joined in a commission with 
Sir Robert Roos, and Edward Hull, Esquire, to nego- 
ciate a marriage between the King and the daughter 
of the Count of Armagnac, 2 on which occasion an 
attendant, probably one of his Chaplains, wrote 
the Journal in the following pages, which supplies 
us with many interesting particulars respecting his 
conduct in that affair, and throws some light upon 
his character. The result of that embassy having 
been already noticed, it will only be remarked that 
Beckington and his colleague, Sir Robert Roos, re- 
turned to England in February 1443. In July fol- 
lowing he was appointed Keeper of the Privy Seal, 
with an allowance of twenty shillings a day ; 3 but he 
seems to have resigned that office in the ensuing Fe- 
bruary. 1 His long services were at length rewarded 
by his being elected Bishop of Bath and Wells in Sep- 
tember 1443 : and he was consecrated in the King's Col- 
lege of Eton, by the Bishop of Lincoln, assisted by 
the Bishops of Salisbury and Landaff, 5 on the 13th of 
October, on which day " it was hallowed, and he sung 
the first mass in the same." 6 He must have been then 
nearly sixty years of age, and his public life maybe said 
almost to have closed with his consecration though ; he is 
recorded to have been a trier of petitions in Parliament 
in 1444/ 1447, 8 1449, 9 1450, 10 and 1453 ;» and on the 

Franciae ; cum aliis multis qua? ea occasione ecuta sunt. 2 Alii tractatus 
de eodeni argumento ; adeo mutili ut vix usui forent. 

1 Fcedera, tome x. p. 742. 2 Jbid. tome xi. p. 7. 3 Ibid. p. 58. 
4 Ibid. 5 Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 574. 6 Godwin's Catalogue, 

1 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 67. ' Ibid. p. 129. 9 Ibid. p. 141. 

10 Ibid. p. 210. "Ibid. p. 227. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. lvii 

27th of March, 1450, he was one of the Peers who 
were in the King's palace at Westminster, when sen- 
tence of banishment was pronounced against the Duke 
of Suffolk. 1 On the 18th of June, 30 Henry VI. 1452, 
the Bishop of Bath obtained a license from the King 
to exempt him from attending Parliament, on account 
of his age and infirmities ; 2 and after that monarch's 
death, his successor, Edward the Fourth, granted him 
a similar indulgence by patent, dated 11th July, in the 
first year of his reign, 1461. 3 Whether from his ad- 
vanced age, or in consequence of the loss of his patron, 
the Duke of Gloucester, or from a desire to die 
Bishop of the diocese in which he was born, an ambi- 
tion neither extraordinary in its nature, nor of unfre- 
quent occurrence, Beckington was never translated; 
but continued in the peaceable enjoyment of his See 
of Bath and Wells until his decease. Chaundler 
says, that he experienced the kindness of Beckington 
for four years, whilst he was Chancellor of Oxford, but 
Anthony Wood denies, with much reason, that he ever 
held that appointment ; and he is not included in the ca- 
talogue of Chancellors, printed by Le Neve. 4 

Of the manner in which Bishop Beckington em- 
ployed great part of his time and of the revenues 
of his see, we have still splendid evidence, and so long 

! Rot. Pari vol. v. p , 1 82. 2 Foedera, vol xi. p. 3 1 1 , 

3 Rot, Pari. vol. vi. p. 227. 
4 Some writers consider that he is the person whom Le Neve describes 
as Thomas Gascoigne, who was Chancellor in 1442, and from 1443 to 
1445; but that individual was Master of Oriel College, and Vice Chan- 
cellor in 1434 and 1439, (Fasti Ecclesie Anglicance, pp. 442, 447,) situations 
which have never been attributed to Beckington ; moreover for six months, 
in 1442, he was in Guienne. 



IVlll THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, 

as one stone of his Cathedral remains, so long must 
his memory, his taste, and his liberality, be held 
in veneration. It has been happily conjectured that 
he imbibed his love, and perhaps skill in, archi- 
tecture from his first patron, William of Wykeham, 
from whom Bishop Waynflete likewise acquired his 
knowledge of that science. 

Beckington's munificence was scarcely inferior to 
either of those personages. He gave two hundred 
pounds towards building Lincoln College at Oxford, 1 
and expended one thousand marks in repairing 
and beautifying the Episcopal houses in his own 
diocese, on most of which he caused his rebus, a 
beacon upon a large cask or tun, to be affixed, an en- 
graving of which is given at the end of this memoir. 
He also erected the western wall of the cloisters of 
Wells' Cathedral; he formed a monumental chantry 
chapel for himself on the south side of the choir ; and 
the whole of the college of the Vicar's choral was 
built by his executors. Nor was his attention confined 
to the Cathedral : among other benefactions to Wells 
he built a row of houses, called the New Work, on the 
north side of the market-place, and two large gate- 
houses at the east end, and granted permission to the 
inhabitants to have a reservoir or conduit near the cross 

1 With this benefaction the Rector's lodgings on the south side of the 
great quadrangle, were raised ; and Thomas de Rotherham, Bishop of 
London, the second founder of Lincoln College, from motives of gratitude 
to Beckington, instituted and endowed a fellowship there, for persons 
born in the diocese of Wells, investing it with all collegiate privileges, ex- 
cept eligibility to the rectorship and sub-rectorship. This fellowship is 
now held by the Rev. F. Scurray, a native of Beckington. Britton's Ca- 
thedral of Wells, p. 44. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. lix 

in that city, to be supplied by pipes from St. Andrew's 
Well, within the precincts of the episcopal palace. 1 The 
return exacted for this favor was characteristic of the 
age : the citizens and burgesses bound themselves to 
visit once in every year the spot in Wells' Cathe- 
dral,, where he might be interred, and there pray for 
his soul, and the souls of all the faithful deceased, for 
which service he granted them an indulgence of forty 
days. 2 

Bishop Beckington died at Wells on the 14th of 
January, 1444-5, having made his will on the 3rd of the 
preceding November, and fearing lest his adherence 
to the House of Lancaster might induce .the King to 
disturb his bequests, he obtained a confirmation of it, 
though not without " great cost." 

This document displays the same feelings of devo- 
tion to the church for which his whole life was remark- 
able. Not satisfied with having employed the greater 
part of his revenues in the adornment of the Cathe- 
dral, and in improving the city, of Wells, he bequeathed 
all which he had accumulated to pious objects ; and it is 
remarkable, that not a single bequest occurs to any 
member of his family, though with pious gratitude he 

1 Chaundler thus alludes to Beckington's benefactions to Wells — " This 
man, by his sole industry and disbursements, raised this city to its present 
state of splendour ; strengthening the church in the strongest manner, 
with gates, towns and walls, and building the palace in which he lives, 
with other edifices, in the most sumptuous style, so that he not only me- 
rits to be called the founder, but more deservedly the grace and ornament 
of the church," Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. translated in Button's Cathedral of Wells, 

2 Britton's Cathedral cf Wells, p. 45. 

3 Godwin's Catalogue, p. 305. 



Ix THOMAS D£ BECKINGTON, 

left a legacy to priests to say masses for the souls of his 
benefactors, the Duke of Gloucester, and William of 
Wykeham. 

He styled himself a humble, though unworthy mi- 
nister, and bequeathed to the church of Wells, in 
which he ordered that his body should be buried, 
twenty pounds in money, four very sumptuous vest- 
ments, four hundred pounds to buy copes, a vessel for 
holy water of silver, weighing ten pounds troy, a cross 
of silver parcel gilt, of the same weight, a chair for 
the bishop to use in the church, 1 and certain cushions, 
with other ornaments ; and to the cathedral all his 
books ; to the church of Bath a cup, a censor and 
a pax of silver, all weighing thirty ounces, besides 
thirty copes and other vestments. To New College Ox- 
ford, a silver cross of ten pounds weight, a bible in 
four volumes, a silver bason often pounds weight, certain 
copes, &c. To Winchester College a silver cross, dou- 
ble gilt, weighing nine pounds and ten ounces; two 
silver candlesticks of the same weight, and a number of 
vestments. To the hospital of Saint Katherine, in 
London, several vestments, and fifty shillings in money. 
To the Church of Sutton Courtney, he gave many vest- 
ments, besides five pounds in money, to be divided 
among the poor of the parish ; as also the like sum to 
the poor of Bedwin ; and so much more, besides cer- 
tain vestments to the poor of Beckington. To 
the Austin Friars, of Bristol, and to the Friar Minors, 
of Bridgewater, he gave twenty shillings. To ten 
priests, who should study at Oxford, and daily say mass 

i This chair still remained when Godwin wrote, 160J. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. Ixi 

for the souls of himself, his parents, and benefactors, 
especially of Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, William of 
Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, Master John Elmer, 
and Walter Thurston, live pounds a piece ; and, to ten 
poor scholars of the same university, for five years, ten- 
pence a week. To his serving men, of the better sort, 
he bequeathed five pounds each : to his meaner yeo- 
men, five marks ; to every boy of his household, forty 
shillings ; and to so many of his servants as were not 
provided with homes, meat, drink, and their usual 
wages, for three months after his decease. To his suc- 
cessor, he left one hundred pounds, upon condition 
that he would accept it in lieu of all dilapidations, 
otherwise he desired his executors to spend it in law 
against him : and lastly, to each of his executors, he gave 
twenty pounds, requiring them to apply all the rest of 
his property to good uses at their discretion. His 
executors were Hugh Sugar, 1 his chancellor, John 
Pope, 2 a canon, and Richard Swan, 3 provost, of the 
Church of Wells; and he requested that John 



i Hugh Sugar, doctor of lawe, and treasurer of Wells. He built the 
chappell all of free stone, which was of wood before, adjoyning to the great 
pulpit, and dwelt whre I now do, in the middle house of the three that 
joyne upon the Cambray. Godwin's Catalogue, 

2 John Pope, doctor of divinity, prebendary of St. Decuman's, and 
parson of Shrye. These three, (as I have been told by old men,) lye 
buried in a ranke together, over against the great pulpit, under three 
marble stones of one fashion. Ibid. 

3 Richard Swann, provost of Wells, and parson of Yevelton, that here- 
tofore had beene executor, after the same sort, unto Richard Prary, bishop 
of Chechester. This man dwelt in the canonical house, that is near the 
market-place. Ibid. 



lxii THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, 

Touker, his register, would assist them. The bishop's 
will was proved, in the court of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, on the 23rd of January, 1464-5. 1 

Of Beckington's monumental chapel and tomb, the 
following description is given in the beautiful work 
which has been before quoted. " On the south side of 
the choir, contiguous to the steps leading to the altar, 
is the monumental chapel erected by Bishop Becking- 
ton, who died in 1465 ; and near which he lies buried. 
This is designed in the most florid style of decorated 
architecture ; and although partly of wood, excites 
great interest, from the excellency of its execution, and 
the elaborate manner in which it is wrought. The 
western side is entirely open with the exception of a 
compartment of rich screen work near the top ; which, 
among other ornaments, exhibits two demi-angels dis- 
playing shields of the five wounds, and having large 
expanded wings, the feathers of which are so profusely 
spread as to fill the spandrills below the cornice. All 
the canopy, or roof, is underwrought with elaborate 
tracery, including pendants, quatrefoils, pannelled 
arches, &c. On the south side, is a small piscina ; and 
over the eastern end, is an enriched canopy. Small 
graduated buttresses, having rich pinnacles, sustain the 
sides of the chapel ; and the mouldings of the cornice 
are ornamented with rosettes and fructed vine leaves. 

" The tomb of Bishop Beckington, which, like the 
chapel, is partly of wood, is extremely curious. It is 
raised on a basement step, and consists of two divisions ; 
first, a table slab, whereon is a recumbent figure 

1 Godyn, 7. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. Ixiii 

of the bishop, in alabaster, habited in the same way as 
he had appointed to he buried ; and secondly, a low 
pedestal beneath the former, on which is another effigy 
of the deceased, in freestone, represented as an emaci- 
ated corpse, extended, in a winding sheet. This kind 
of contrasted exhibition of the human figure, intended 
to denote the awful change which disease and death 
occasion, and thus convey a moral lesson to human 
vanity, was not uncommon in our cathedrals about the 
middle of the fifteenth century. The bishop's garments, 
mitre, maniple, &c. have been richly gilt, and painted ; 
and the borderings, and other parls, have been de- 
picted as inlaid, or set with precious stones : his head 
is reposing on two cushions, tasseled. The slab is sup- 
ported by six small columns, three on each side, having 
low trefoil-headed arches between them, forming a sort 
of canopy over the emaciated figure ; and the spandrils 
of which are almost wholly filled by the luxuriant 
plumage of demi-angels, which rest, with outspreading 
wings, on the shafts of the columns : these shafts were 
originally adorned with panneled arches and pinnacles ; 
but much of the old work has been broken away, and its 
place supplied by plain wood." 1 

Only one notice has ever been discovered respect- 
ing Beckington's family. Godwin says, 2 he had seen a 
lease of some episcopal lands, granted by him, to his 
relation Beatrice, the wife of Thomas Dabridgecourt, 
Esquire ; but this affords no clue to the bishop's ances- 
tors, for the pedigrees of Dabridgecourt do not state 



i Britton's Cathedral of Wells, p. 111. 2 De Pramlibus. 



lxiv THOMAS DE BECKUNTGTON, 

who the said Thomas married. His father, John Da- 
bridge court, Esq. died in 1432, seized of lands in 
Wiltshire, at which time this Thomas was found to be 
his son and heir, and then four years of age. He 
made his will on the 2nd November, 1466, in which 
he speaks of his children, and appointed his mother 
Agnes Brocas his executrix. 1 

At the distance of between three and four centuries, 
those minute traits of character which impart to biogra- 
phy its greatest charm, are in most cases irrecoverably 
lost. We can only contemplate men in the most im- 
portant of their public actions, or trace them through the 
distinguished offices which they may have held ; but we 
know nothing of their personal habits, or their private 
pursuits. 

Bishop Beckington forms no exception to this re- 
mark. Little is known about him beyond the situations 
which he filled, and the admirable manner in which he 
expended his property ; on which subjects enough has 
been said. That he was a man distinguished among 
his contemporaries for his learning, is evident, from the 
offices for which he was selected, and from his manu- 
scripts : and his biographers have represented him as 
having been profoundly versed in theology, a good 
preacher, and so generous a patron of learned and in- 
genious men, as to be styled the Maecenas of his age. 2 
Though hitherto wholly unnoticed by historians, his 
MSS. are of the highest historical value ; and it is to be 

1 Esch : 10 Hen. VI. Pedigree in " Vincent's Warwick," in the College 
of Arms, f. 39. His mother married, secondly, William Brocas. Ibid. 

2 Biographia Britannica, Leland, Bale, Pitts, &c. 



BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. IxV 

hoped that this volume may be the cause of their re- 
ceiving the attention which they deserve. His eloquence 
and other qualifications are represented in glowing co- 
lours by his friend Chaundler ; but there is an unnatural 
glare about his painting which justifies a suspicion as 
to the strict fidelity of the likeness, though the outline 
is probably correct. 

It is at Wells, that the lover of the arts, and 
the admirer of the zeal and disinterestedness of the 
prelates of the middle ages, will be most impressed with 
respect for Bishop Beckington ; but whilst viewing the 
effects of his munificence, will he be able to refrain from 
asking himself, why it is that the successors of those 
great men have so rarely imitated them ? Will his 
respect for the established order of things be sufficient 
to repress the reflection, that with nearly the same reve- 
nues, the\nodern clergy seldom indeed beautify or 
repair cathedrals, endow hospitals, or found colleges. 
There is an apathy about ancient ecclesiastical build- 
ings in this country, which is surprising ; inproof of which 
it may be observed, that the repairs of parish churches, 
are generally left to the superintendence of uneducated 
men, who every where leave marks of their barbarous 
ignorance and want of taste. Whether this neglect, of 
what are termed the " temples of God," is indicative of 
greater zeal in his service, than was felt by the reviled 
monkish priesthood; or whether the public, who are 
so commonly accused from the pulpit of indifference to 
their religious duties, are likely to become more strict 
observers of them, whilst the richly endowed hierarchy 
of England allow the venerable religious fabrics to 
fall to decay, may be a proper subject for the conside- 
ration of the dignitaries of our church. 

Besides the MSS. which have been alluded to s a 

f 



Ixvi 



THOMAS DE BECKINGTON. 



volume of Bishop Beckington's letters are preserved in 
the library of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and is 
thus described in the catalogue. 
"No. 211. 

Codex membranaceus, in fol. sec. xv. folior. 161. 

Thomae de Bekyntona Regi Henrico VI. ab Epis- 
tolis (et postea Episcopi Bathoniensis et Wellensis) 
Epistolae. Titulus ( Opusculum ex Missivis Literis 
Serenissimi Principis Henrici VI. Angliae et Franciae 
Regis, tempore venerabilis viri Thomae de Bekyntona, 
Legum Doctoris,ejusdem Regis Secretarii, per eundem 
Regem missis una cum quibusdam aliis Literis ejusdem 
Secretarii ac aliorum, ad utilitatem Simplicum in unum 
collectum et compilatum.' 

These letters are chiefly on public and ecclesiastical 
affairs, between 1438 and 1456; but the following ap- 
pear to be of a personal nature : 

fol. 80 b — 83\ Epistolae Bekintoni Familiares. 

93. b Epistolae VI. Thomae Chaundeler, Wellensis 
Cancellari, ad Bekintonum ; quibus ipsum laudat, de 
beneficiis gratias agit, et miserum Regni statum deflet. 

The annexed wood cut represents the badge, which 
is placed in the houses built by Beckington, and which 
forms a rebus of his name, T. Beck-in»ton. 




BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS. Ixvii 

His arms were Argent, on a fess Azure, between, 
in chief, three stag's heads caboshed, Gules, attired 
Or, and in base three pheons 2 and 1 Sable, a mitre, 
labelled, of the fourth. 1 

1 Philpot's Ordinary, f. 110, in the College of Arms; Collinson's History 
of Somersetshire, vol. iii. p. 376.; and a contemporary representation on the 
ceiling of the Divinity Schools, Oxford. 












SIR ROBERT ROOS, 

BANNERET, CARVER TO HENRY THE SIXTH. 

Although the chief person of the embassy to the 
Count of Armagnac, precedence has been given 
to the memoir of Bishop Beckington, because the 
Journal more particularly relates to the latter ; and 
however eminent Roos may have been in his time, 
he has been so completely forgotten by posterity, that 
it was with some difficulty the following imperfect no- 
tices of him could be collected. 

Sir Robert Roos was the fourth son of William 
Lord Roos, K. G. by Margaret, daughter of Sir John 
Arundell, Knight, and was born about the year 1409 
or 1410. 1 Of his early life nothing is known ; but it must 
be inferred that he had eminently distinguished him- 
self before he is mentioned in records, for the first 
notice which has been discovered of him is his appoint- 
ment as one of the ambassadors to negociate a peace 
with France on the 3rd November 19 Hen. VI. 14-40 ; 2 

1 His eldest brother, John Lord Roos, succeeded Lis father in Septem- 
ber 1414, at which time he was eighteen years old ; his lordship and his 
next brother William, were slain in France on the same day, the 22nd 
March, 1421, when Thomas the third son, succeeded his brother in his 
honors, and was then fourteen years of age. 
2 Fcedera, tome x. p. 827. 



SIR ROBERT ROOS. Ixix 

and in May 1442, he was sent to treat for the King's 
marriage, 1 at which time he was a Knight, and one of his 
Majesty's Carvers, 2 an office of considerable consequence 
in the royal household. 3 The Journal affords much infor- 
mation relative to his conduct on the occasion, from which 
it is manifest that he evinced considerable talent, firm- 
ness, and zeal, in the difficult situation in which he 
was placed. It appears that he was elected (t . Regent," or 
Commander of the three States, which were in the Eng- 
lish interests, on the 15th of August, 1442 4 ; and that 
though his health was then excessively bad, he did not 
allow it to interfere with the performance of his du- 
ties. 5 He returned to England in February 1443 6 ; and 
in May or June in that year, performed the office of 
Chamberlain to John Stafford, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, at his installation, as proxy for his nephew, 
Thomas Lord Roos, then a minor. 7 On the 19th of 
July, 21 Hen. VI. 1443, the King granted to him and 
the heirs male of his body, the situation of Keeper 
of the Forest of Rockingham, between the bridges of 
Stanford and the gates of Oxford : 8 he was also Keeper 
of the park of Brigstoke, and of the foreign woods 
there, called Brigstoke-bailly, and of the park and war- 
ren of Multon. 9 He obtained a grant of the manor of 



1 Fiedera, tome. xi. p. 7. 2 Journal, p. 5. 3 See " Notes," p. 109. 

4 Journal, pp. 28, 32. 5 Ibid, p. 38. 6 Ibid. p. 90. 

7 Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 553, but that writer confounds this Sir 
Robert Roos with his uncle of the same name, who died on the 30th Sep- 
tember, 1441, leaving his two daughters his co-heirs. Esch. 20 Hen. VI. 
8 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 193. Rot. Patent, 21 Hen. VI. 2 p», m. 1. 
9 Rot. Par I. vol. v. p. 319. 



Ixx SIR ROBERT ROOS. 

Bekford, in Gloucestershire, for life, in 1442 ; and an 
annuity to him, and to Anne, his wife, of £60. for their 
lives, and for the life of the survivor, out of the 
great customs of woolfell, and wools in the port of 
London. 2 

That Roos did not lose the King's favor by his con- 
duct in his mission to the Count of Armagnac is proved 
by his having received most of these grants soon af- 
ter his return ; and it is equally certain that he then 
rather added to, than lessened, his reputation, as he 
was selected to negociate a peace with France, and 
to conclude a treaty of marriage between the King 
and Margaret, daughter of Ren6, titular King of Sicily, 
at Tours, in February, 22 Hen. VI. 1444, 3 at which 
time he was a Banneret. 4 It was probably for his ser- 
vices on that occasion that the offices of Chamber- 
lain and Customer of the town of Berwick for life, were 
bestowed upon him in the 24th Hen. VI. 1445. 5 

At a Chapter of the Order of the Garter held on 
the 12th of May 1445, to fill up the vacancy occasioned 
by the death of Sir Hertank Von Clux, Roos was nomi- 
nated by Sir John Fastolf, and Sir John Beauchamp ; 
and at the chapter on the eve of the feast of St. George 
1447, when the King of Portugal was elected, he was 
one of the Knights named in the ballotting list of the 
Marquess of Suffolk and of Sir John Beauchamp. 7 

Sir Robert Roos had proved himself too useful* a 
servant to be allowed to remain long unemployed ; and in 
March 1448, he was again sent to conclude a truce with 

1 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 49. 2 Ibid. p. 198. 

3 Foedera, tome xi. pp. 53, 80. 4 Ibid. 

5 Rot. Patent, 2d pt. m 11. Printed Calendar, p. 288. 
6 Anstis' Register of the Order of the Garter, vol. ii. p. 128. 
7 Ibid. p. 133. 



SIR ROBERT ROOS. Ixxi 

France ;* but he survived this appointment a short 
time, dying on the 30th of December in the same year, 
aged about forty, leaving Anne his widow, and Henry 
his son and heir fifteen years old. 2 

Henry Roos, the son of Sir Robert, by the style of 
" Henry Roos, Esquire," was protected by the Act of 
Resumption, 28 Hen. VI. in the possession of the 
grants made to his father of the office of Keeper of 
Rockingham Forest ; and Sir Robert's widow, Anne 
Lady Roos, was also secured in the receipt of her an- 
nuity of £60. before noticed. In the Act of Resump- 
tion, in the 34th Hen. VI. by which Henry Roos 
was again protected in the enjoyment of the office of 
Keeper of Rockingham Forest, a recognition occurs 
of the services of his father : the former being described 
as " our well beloved Squire Henry Roos, son and heir 
of Robert Roos, now dead, and sometime one of our 
Carvers, the which Robert daily in his life continued in 
our service." 4 

Henry Roos was knighted between the 34th and 
39th Hen. VI. and having fought in defence of his 
unfortunate sovereign at the battle of St. Alban's, on 
Palm Sunday, 29th March, 1 Edw. IV. 1461, he shared 
the fate of the other adherents of the House of Lan- 
caster, being declared guilty of high treason, by statute 
1 Edw. IV. in which he is called " Henry Roos, late 
of Rokyngham, in the county of Northampton, Knight," 5 
which description admits of the inference that he was 
there slain. After that time nothing is known either 
of him or his family. 

1 Fxdera, tome xi. pp. 199,' 206. 2 Esch. 27 Hen. VI. 

z Rot. Pari vol, v. pp. 193, 198. 
4 Ibid. p. 319. 5 Ibid. p. 480. 



SIR EDWARD HULL, K. G. 

It is only by one notice in the Journal, that this indivi- 
dual, who was the colleague of Sir Robert Roos and 
Beckington in their mission, and subsequently became 
a person of much consideration, can be identified. The 
latter, is said to have dined with Hull, at Enmore, in 
Somersetshire, when on his journey to Plymouth, 1 
which proves that he was the son of Sir John Hull, by 
Eleanor, daughter and heiress of Sir John Mallet, eldest 
son of Sir Baldwin Mallet, of Enmore. As Sir John 
Mallet died in his father's lifetime, that property, which 
had been for many centuries in the possession of the an- 
cient house of Mallet, devolved, upon the death of Sir 
Baldwin, either on his grand-daughter and heiress, or 
on her son, the subject of this memoir. 2 

Many notices exist, of the family of Hull, in the 
county of Somerset ; s but it is not possible to form a 

1 Journal, p. 2. 

% ^Collmsoris History of Somersetshire, vol. i. p. 91. Pole's Collections for 
Devon, p. 275. The Heralds' Visitations of Somersetshire corroborate this 
statement, excepting that they erroneously call the issue of Sir John Hull 
and Eleanor Mallet, Sir Henry Hull. 

3 In the 22 Rich. II. Michael Marshal released to Robert Hull and 
Isabel his wife, all claim to the manor of Edyngton, in Somersetshire, 
Ancient Charters in the British Museum, xv. 17. Richard the Second, in the 
nineteenth year of his reign, granted to John Hull, and Robert his son, the 
custody of the lands which Thomas Fychet held in consequence of the 



SIR EDWARD HULL, K. G. IxXlii 

regular pedigree from them. The earliest record of 
Edward Hull, which has been discovered, is that in 
February, 20 Hen. VI. 1442 he, and Eleanor Hull, 
probably his mother, received a grant of an annuity of 
fifty marks for their lives, and the life of the survivor of 
them, with reversion to the king and his heirs ; but 
which reversion Henry in the twenty-third year of his 
reign, bestowed on the provost of his new college of 
Eton. 1 In the following May, he was appointed one of 
the ambassadors to the Count of Armagnac, at which 
time he was an Esquire of the King's body, and had just 
returned from Guienne. 2 

After having a conference on the state of that duchy 
with Beckington, at his seat of Enmore, he proceeded 
to the king, and instead of accompanying his colleagues 
to Bourdeaux, Henry, intended to detain him about his 
person, until the army, which was destined for Guienne, 
was ready. 3 He arrived at Bourdeaux, however, on the 
22nd of October, 4 having been dispatched with letters 
to the ambassadors, and to the inhabitants of that city, 
promising that reinforcements should soon be sent 
thither ; 5 and he brought with him an artist to paint the 
portraits of the Count of Armagnac's daughters. 6 

Hull left Bourdeaux with Roos and other personages, 
attended by a large force, to attack the French, near St. 
Lopyes, on the 26th of October ; 7 and an account of his 

minority of Isabel, sister of the said Thomas. Ibid, marked 43 E. 33. See also 
48 E. 52, Maud Chadde, widow of Thomas Chadde, and daughter of John 
Jourdan, granted to John Hull, and Isabel his wife, in the 7th of Hen IV. 
certain lands, with others in Aldwardstoke. Ibid. 111. E. 30. ;. 

1 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 79. 2 Journal, pp. 5-6. 3 Ibid. 

4 Ibid. p. 53. 5 Ibid. pp. 54-55. 6 Ibid. p. 60. 1 1bid, pp. 58-59, 



Ixxiv SIR EDWARD HULL, K. G. 

able conduct on the occasion, apparently written by one 
of his servants, or followers, will be found at the end of 
the journal. 1 He came back the same day, and remained 
until the 10th of November, when he proceeded to Lan- 
gon, with three hundred men at arms, and the same num- 
ber of archers ; 2 and on the 19th, was at St. Makary. 3 He 
seems to have returned to Bourdeaux with Roos, on the 
24th ; 4 and on the 31st of December, he had an interview 
with the Archbishop of that city. 5 As a new year's 
gift, he presented Beckington with two pots of green gin- 
ger 6 on the 1st, and with twelve heads for arrows, on the 
8ih, of January, 1443. 7 It having been determined that 
Hull should not return to England with Roos and 
Beckington, he was elected constable of the castle of 
Bourdeaux, on the 9th of January, when he is said 
to have made a present of a bow of holly, 8 

It is not known how long Hull remained in Gui- 
enne: he was a feoffee of some of the King's lands, 
on the 30th of November, 1443, and 7th July, 
1444, at which time he was still an Esquire, 9 but 
he soon afterwards received the honour of knighthood, 
for he is mentioned as a feoffee on the 23rd February, 
23 Hen. VI. 1445 ; " as Sir Edward Hull, Knyght :" 10 
again, on the 29th June, in that year ; u and in the 27th 
Hen. VI. 1448-9 12 . 

In the 25th and 27th Hen. VI. he obtained a grant 
of free warren in his manor of Milton, near Bruton, in 

1 Journal, pp. 97-98. 2 Ibid. p. 65. 3 Ibid.-p.67. 4 Ibid. pp. 71-72. 

6 Ibid. p. 81. 6 Ibid. p. 82. ? Ibid. p. 83. 8 Ibid. 

9 Rot. Perl. vol. v. p. 71, bis. w Ibid. p. 72. 

11 Ibid. p. 73. i 2 Ibid. p. 165. 






SIR EDWARD HULL, K. G. IxXV 

Somersetshire ; x and in the Act of Resumption, 28 Hen. 
VI. he was protected from its effects, excepting with 
respect to the grant of fifty marks yearly, out of the 
King's Exchequer. 2 

At a Chapter held for the election of a Knight of 
the Garter in the 28th Hen. VI. 1449, Sir Edward 
Hull was one of the Knights nominated by the Duke of 
Somerset and Lord Beauchamp : 3 and on the 7th of 
May, 31 Hen. VI. 1453, he was elected into that noble 
Order in the room of Lord Willoughby. 4 Hull was at that 
time abroad, having accompanied the Earl of Shrews- 
bury in the expedition into Guienne ; 5 and served un- 
der that nobleman at the battle of Chastillon in July 
following, when he shared the fate of his gallant chief, 
both being killed in the field, with the Earl's son, 
Viscount L'Isle, and several other distinguished per- 
sonages. 6 The circumstance of Sir Edward Hull never 
having been installed, explains why his name does 
not occur in the Windsor Tables, and also accounts 
for no plate having been ever placed in the Chapel of 
the Order; 7 nor is it certain that he lived long enough 
to be informed of the high honour which had been 
conferred upon him. 

Soon after his decease, directions were issued under 
the Privy Seal for the settlement of the wages due to 
him, from which we learn that he appointed his mother 
his executrix. His Majesty commanded that a settlement 
should be made, " with oure righte welbeloved Dame 
Alianore Hull, modre and executrice of Edward Hull, 

1 Calend. Rot. Chart, p. 201. 2 Rot. Purl. vol. v. p. 193. 

3 Anstis' Register of the Order of the Garter, vol. ii. p. 143. 
4 Ibid. pp. 150, 151. SJbid. 

6 Ibid. Hall's Chronicle, Ed. 1809. p. 229. * Anstis' Register, vol. i. p. 48. 



Ixxvi SIR EDWARD HULL, K. B. 

Knight, late Constable of our castel of Bourdeaux, 
&c. and to make paiement of al maner wages of werre, 
of men of armes, and archers, with the said Edward in 
our service for the keeping and defense of oure cite of 
Burdeux, and other towns and places in our Dutchie of 
Guienne, at his propre expensis and wages in the com- 
pany of th'erle of Shrewsbury Lord Talbot, which late 
was Lieutenant of oure Dutchie of Guienne aforesaid, 
beyng from the xxij day of Octobre, in the yere of our 
Lord 1452, unto the xviij day of Juyl than next fol- 
lowing, which day the said Edward deceased." 1 

Sir Edward Hull continued Constable of Bour- 
deaux until his death ; but he latterly performed the du- 
ties of his office by his deputy, George Swillington,^ 
whose name occurs in the Journal. In the Act of 
Resumption in the 34th Hen. VI. 1455-6, it is pro- 
vided that that statute shall not be prejudicial to a grant 
to " Dame Aleanor Hull and to Sir Edward Hull, late 
one of our Esquires, attending our body, of fifty 
marks, to be perceived yearly by the hands of the Ab- 
bot and Convent of St. Alban's, but that the same 
grant shall stand in force for the same Dame Elea- 
nor." 3 

According to Collinson, Sir Edward Hull died 
without issue male ; but Sir William Pole says he died 
issueless, which is most probable, as it is certain that 
Enmore reverted to Hugh Mallet, a younger son of 
Sir Baldwin Mallet, before-mentioned, by his second 
wife. The name of Hull continued for several centu- 

1 Anstis' Regisler, vol. ii. p. 151. 
2 Ancient Charters in the British Museum, 43 B 52, 43 B 53. See the 
" Additional Notes," at the end of the volume. 

3 Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 313. 



SIR EDWARD HULL, K. B. IxXvii 

ries, in the counties of Somerset and Devon, and is not 
yet extinct. 

Ashmole states that the arms of Sir Edward Hull 
were Argent, three cross crosslets Azure, between two 
bendlets Gules j 1 but according to Anstis, who refers 
to his seals, he bore his mother's coat of Malet, Azure, 
three escallops, Or; and generally described himself as 
the son of Dame Aleanor Hull. 2 



1 Institution of the Order of the Garter, p. 169. 
2 Register of the Order of the Garter, vol. 1. p. 48. 



ERRATA. 

p. xvi. To Note 1. add " The account given of the recapture of Dacq's, &c." 
from note 2 ; and note 2, should be " Ibid. p. 28, 29." 

pp. 44, 45, 67, 71, 73, 77, 78, for Auxerre" read " Auch." 

p. 97, 1. 11, for " xx." read " xxvj." 

p. 120. Dele the note to " Viscount of Lomaine," and see Additional 
Notes. 

p. 123. 1. 22. for " 39th" read " 29th of October." 

p. 128. 1.43. for " windlas" read " windas." 




JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. 

ANNO 1442, 

UNE V. Memorandum. — In the 
year of our Lord One thousand 
CCCC and forty-two, on Tues- 
day the fifth of June, his excel- 
lency my lord, Master Thomas 
Bekynton, secretary of our Lord King Henry 
the Sixth, came from Windsor to Henley-upon- 
Thames, where he supped, and passed the night. 
With him there were Mr. William Say, Mr. 
Ralph Legh, an officer of the eatery to our Lord 
the King, and Thomas Chamberlaine. In the 
morning, at the second hour, Thomas Daniel 
came upon the said king's business to my lord 
the secretary. 

VI. Wednesday, my lord rode on horseback 
to Sutton. 

VII. Thursday, to dinner at Abingdon with 
the lord abbot, where was the Bishop of Salis- 
bury. Supped at Sutton. 

VIII. IX. Friday at Sutton, Saturday dined 
at Sutton, and slept at Bedwin. 

X. Sunday, at Bedwin, whither John Water, 

came upon the king's business. 

B 



2 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

June XI. Monday, at the same place, where 
the aforesaid John Water took his oath. 

XII. Tuesday to Devizes, 1 where my lord 
spoke with the Lord de Hungerford, and supped 

and slept with the mayor of the town 2 

To-day Mr. Ralph Legh and John Water re- 
turned to the king at Bedwin. 

XIII. Wednesday, dined at Beckinton, whi- 
ther the Lord de Hungerford sent two flagons 
of wine in bottles. Supped at Wells. 

XIV. Thursday, dined at the same place 
with Mr. J. Bernard. In the afternoon my lord 
drank with the chanter, and was there installed 
in the choir for his prebend ; supped at Glaston- 
bury with the abbot, who lent his lordship a 
horse. 

XV. Friday, dined at the same place, and 
slept at Taunton, from whence my lord sent 
Richard Erie to Basingstoke to M. Robert 
Roos, and Thomas Chamberlain to Enmore to 
Edward Hull. 

XVI. Saturday, dined with Edward Hull at 
Enmore, with whom my lord held a conference 
upon the state of Guienne. With him there 
were Mr. W. Say, J. Blakeney, and J. Say, and a 

1 " Le Vise," in the original, but clearly Devizes, which 
is just sixteen miles from Bedwin. 

2 The following words occur in the original, but to which it 
is difficult to assign a meaning : " Sejur t0 viz uno cap r0 ." 






SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 3 

servant for their horses ; all the rest at Taunton, 
where his lordship slept. 

June XVII. At the same place all day, but 
slept at Tiverton. 

XVIII. Monday, in the castle of the Earl of 
Devon, where my lord dined. After dinner, 
at one of the manors of the earl, called Comb 
John : my lord afterwards drank on the road to 
Exeter, and there supped and passed the night. 

XIX. Tuesday, at the same place to dinner 
with Master J. Cobyorn, the dean. 

XX. Wednesday, with Mr. John Snetesham, 
where my lord dined with the chancellor. 

XXI. Thursday, at the inn. To-day a buck 
was sent from Tiverton to his lordship. 

XXII. Friday, at the same place : dined with 
Friar Curteys. 

XXIII. Saturday, at the same place : dined 
with Master William Browneng, the prebendary. 
To-day, Mr. William Say and Thomas Chamber- 
lain returned back. 

XXIV. Sunday, the festival of the nativity 
of John Baptist, Sir Robert Roos came in the 
morning. My lord dined with Mr. J. Stevens, 
and supped with Mr. Richard Merton. 

XXV. Monday, at the same place to dinner 
with Sir 1 Richard Hillier, the inspector; 2 to 

1 Query — u Domino" in the original. 
2 " Supervisore." 



4 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

supper with J. Wadham, sheriff of the county of 
Devon. After supper, M. Roos took horse to 
Powderham, and passed the night with Sir 
Philip Courtenay, Knight. 

June XXVI. Tuesday morning, he breakfast- 
ed with the said Philip Courtenay, and dined at 
Chudleigh with the Lord Bishop of Exeter, 
and supped at Ashburton, where John was 
dismissed with Alice. Thomas fell ill, and 
afterwards came to Plymouth. 

XXVII. Wednesday, dined at Plymton with 
the Prior there, and supped at Plymouth, at the 
house of Thomas Hill, an innkeeper. 

XXVIII. Thursday, at the same place. 

XXIX. Friday, at the same place, where 
Mr. Adrian gave us a pipe of white wine, and 
N. Huse, Esquire, set off to the king at two in the 
afternoon, with certain articles, &c. To-day 
the following letter of the king's was received 
at Plymouth, and delivered by the hands of 
John de Gules, Huse's servant. 



BY THE KING. 

Je h „«S S A^r Right trusty and welbeloved, 

*:^C we § rete y° u wel - And for as 

much as our trusty and welbeloved squier 
for our body Edward Hull, the which nowe 
late is commen unto us out of our Duchie of 



Guienne hath amonge other things reported 
unto us ho we our enemies and adversaires are 
commyng toward our cite of Bourdeaux for to 
besiege hit, w T e late you wete that we kepe 
stille our said squier aboute our personne unto 
tyme that we have ordeined here our armee to 
goo thider for the helpe succor and defense of 
our said cite and of all our cuntreyes there ; of 
the whiche arme our cousin of Suffolk hathe 
tolde us that he and ye our Secretaire have di- 
vers tymes communed before this tyme. Where- 
fore we wol that for the comfort and encou- 
ragement of our true subgetts there ye do this 
to be knowen amonge thym at your thider com- 
myng, as hit shall seme to your discrecions to 
be doon, wherin ye shal do to us good pleasir. 
Yeven under our signet of Th'egle at our Castel 
of Windesore the xxiij day of Juyn. 

Also our said Squier shal bringe certaine an- 
swere upon al the matiers and articles that he 
hath brought at his said commyng thider. Yeven 
as above. 

To our right trusty and welbeloved knight Sir 

Robert Roos oon of our Kervers, and 

Maister Th : Bekynton our Secretaire and 

to either of them. 

June XXIX. To-day, Friday, at Plymouth 

Stephen Messangier delivered another letter 

sealed by the King's hands, here following. 



6 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 



BY THE KING. 



^SLldS ^ght trusty and welbeloved, 

matriage^ 6 ' ^ 8 We ^ ete y 0U Wel ' Lating yOU 

wete that our trusty Squier for our body Ed- 
ward Hull is commyn unto us oute of our 
Duchie of Guienne and hath reported unto us 
certain things of that cuntrey, whereupon we 
purpose to sende him thider agen in al haste. 
Wherfore we wol that ye holde forthe your wey 
thiderwarde usinge at your thider commyng the 
pouaire and instructions that ye received in our 
presence, except al oonly where there is in the 
name of a personne that ye go for conteined in 
an article of your same instructions, in especial, 
that in the stede therof ye sette hit general, to 
th' entent that we may have choys, as ye wote 
wel hit was profred us to have by the Arche- 
diaken that came thens ; and so ye may grounde 
you upon the generalte, for the same Arche- 
diaken [promised] al the children to be at our 
disposicion. And for as muche as ye have noon 
instruction of this forme, but this oonly which 
procedeth of our owne mocion, desiring there- 
fore that ye notwithstanding al other doo the 
execucion therof, we have signed this lettre of 
our owne hande, the whiche as ye wote well we 
be not muche accustumed for to do in other 



1442. 7 

caas. Yeven under our Signet of Th'egle at 
our Castle of Windsore the xxiij day of Juyn. 
To our Right trusty, ut supra. 

A reply to the letter immediately preceding, 
sent by N. Husse, in confidence. 

TO THE KING OUR SOVERAIN LORD. 

Reply to the King Moost excellent and moost 

by his Ambassa- 
dor Christian Prince. After as lowly 

recommendacion unto your highnesse as we 
your humble servants can or may devise, please 
hit unto your said highnesse to wete that we 
have received at the tyme of writing of thees 
your gracious letter signed above with your owne 
hande and seeled with your signet of th'egle, 
by the whiche ye geve us in commandement to 
holde forthe our journey using the pouaire 
instructions which hath be delivered unto 
us by your auctorite, except al oonly that 
where as oon personne is named in especial, 
that we in stede therof sholde sett hit gene- 
ral to th'entent that your said highnesse 
may have choys of all. And for as muche, our 
moost doubted Souveraign Lord, as fer as we 
can understande after our simple witts, the 
pouaire whiche ye have geven unto us by your 
letters of commission which we sende you by 
thee beerer of thees, is by this your commaunde- 
ment plainly expired, we beseeche you as 



5 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

lowly as can or may be thought, that consider- 
ing that in matier of so grete a weight as this 
is, farst men wol look that our auctorite and 
pouaire be suffisaint, which as is before re- 
hersshed, we holde hit plainly expired, please 
hit your noble grace for the hasty spede of us 
your humble servants which abiden here upon 
our passage, and ben redy to passe, to sende us 
suche pouaire and auctorite as shal please your 
said noble grace that we shal have and use, so 
that when we shal come to the parties to the 
whiche ye sendeth us we be not understande as 
naaked of pouaire, and so al our labour be vaine 
and inutile. And for as muche as N. Husse your 
menial and true servaunt beerer of thees, sworn 
before us to the secrete of this matier, as he that 
hath laboured in the same heretofore can and 
may declare unto you al that we feel in this 
behalve, we beseeche you lowly yf hit may 
please you to geve hym benigne audience and 
also feith and credence in that he shal seye unto 
your highnesse, whom w r e knowe for right feith- 
full and secrete, which causeth us in this so grete 
a mater and so secrete to sende hym unto your 
said highnesse, the whiche Almighty God pre- 
serve. 

Writen at Plymmouthe the xxx day of Juyn. 
Your moost humble subgetts and 
servaunts Roos Ro. and Th : Beck' 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 9 

June XXX. Saturday at the same place. At 
two in the afternoon the said N. Husse returned 
to the King. 

July I. II. III. Sunday, Monday, and Tues- 
day, at the same place. The Prior of Plympton 
sent " 1 sahn' & gall' ij iij." * 

IV. V. Wednesday and Thursday at Plymp- 
ton with the Prior. 

VI. VII. Friday and Saturday, at Ply- 
mouth ; on the latter day, at nine in the even- 
ing, N. Husse returned from the King with the 
following answer to the letter before men- 
tioned. 

o T v h e e r an R d ^ove^e The Kinge wol Sires that ye 

histmctions afore j^j^ forth yQUr J oumey ugmg 

th'instrucions that were delivered unto you 
in his presence, saveng only where ye had 
the name of oon in especial, the King wol 
that ye trete in general, to th'entent that he 
may have the choys. And thereas ye have 
noon instruction therof, the Kinge wol that ye 
take thoo letters signed with his owne hande 
which he sent you for your instruction, and that 
hit be kept with your other instructions. More- 
over, wheras ye wrote unto the King that your 
commission was expired by his said letters that 

1 Query, a Salmon, and two or three fowls. 



10 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

he sent unto you, I have brought you an other 
according to the said letters. Furthermore the 
Archdeken offered to the kinge the choys of al 
the children and the remenaunt to be at the 
king's disposition, wherfore the kinge wol 
ye shold grounde you thereupon, and to lete 
theim have knowlage which the kinge lust to 
have or ye departe oute of that Cuntrey ; and 
at your first commyng thider, in al haste possible, 
that ye do portraie the iij doughters in their 
kertelles simple, and their visages, lyk as ye see 
their stature and their beaulte and color of 
skynne and their countenaunces, with al maner 
of features ; and that one be delivered in al haste 
with the said portratur to bring it unto the kinge, 
and he t'appointe and signe which hym lyketh ; 
and therupon to sende you word how ye shal 
be governed. And after my departing that ye 
use forth your instructions ; and yf ye seme 
hit be over longe or ye have answere, yf hit 
lyke you ye dispose you t'abide at Burdeaux or 
Bayon or in some other place where hit shal 
lyke you best. 

July VIII. IX. Sunday and Monday, at the 
same place. 

X. Tuesday, at six in the evening, embarked on 
board a vessel, called the Katherine of Bayonne. 

XI. Wednesday, XII. Thursday, XIII. Fri- 
day, at sea, in a calm, about seven in the even- 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 11 

ing, as we thought, a fish, called a shark, pur- 
sued the ship, and was driven back, after being 
twice struck with a harping-iron : but in spite 
of his wounds he again followed the ship ; upon 
which the master, with the harping-iron, pierced 
his sides. After this, to obtain a wind, my lord 
secretary, with a devout and humble heart, 
pledged and bent silver to the most blessed and 
glorious Virgin, Mary of Eton : the rest in the 
ship, at his bidding, then did the same, and then 
they chaunted the antiphonale, ( Sancta Maria/ 
When it was ended, the wind veered to the 
north, and blew steadily from that point until 

July XIV. Saturday, in the evening, when the 
ship entered the river Garonne, and the wind 
shifted to the south-west. On the same day, 
a party of stipendiaries came in a small vessel, 
from the castle of Riaunt, which is at the 
entrance of the river on the left side, bringing 
news that the seneschal of Bourdeaux was taken 
prisoner. Near the castle just mentioned, at 
the entrance of the river, and on the same side, 
are the town and castle of Tallemont; and 
near to them, the English towns, le Roket, Conak, 
Bloye, and Burghe. 

XV. Sunday, still in the river. In the morn- 
ing the captain of the castle of Castellion came 
to our ship, and told us of the capture of the 
seneschal above-mentioned. About two hours 



12 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

after noon, Nicholas Dryver, the Provost of 
Bourdeaux, came down the river in a small 
coggeship, on his way to England. 

July XVI. Monday, in the river, till about an 
hour after noon, when M. Robert Roos and his 
lordship, the secretary, with all their servants 
landed at Bourdeaux, and breakfasted with Sir 
Robert Clyfton, Knight, constable of the castle 
there ; and supped at an inn. 

XVII. Tuesday, from the morning, amongst 
the lords of the country, and at home. Dined 
with Gailerd Shorthose, and supped with the 
mayor of the town. 

XVIII. Wednesday, at the church of St. 
Andrew, where the Archbishop of Bourdeaux 
proclaimed to the people, in the language of the 
country, the royal letters, which had been shown 
to the lords of the king's council the day pre- 
ceding. Dined at the inn. 

XIX. XX. Thursday and Friday, at home. 

XXI. Saturday, at home. On this day Mr. 
J. de Batulo withdrew, who had been always 
hitherto associated with their lordships [in their 
mission.] 

XXII. Sunday, with the Archbishop of Bour- 
deaux to dinner ; at home to supper. 

XXIII. Monday, with the Bishop of Bassaten 
to dinner : at home to supper. The bishop 
gave a pipe of claret wine to the secretary. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 13 

July XXIV. Wednesday/ to dinner at home ; 
M. Roos with him. 

XXV. Thursday,, with Bernard Angevin, to 
dinner. Their lordships, Roos and the secre- 
tary, were engaged amongst the chief persons of 
the town and the mariners, about the expedition 
of the archbishop, who embarked to-day at three 
in the afternoon : at home to supper. To-day my 
lords sent the subjoined letters to our Lord the 
King, and others, by Robert Trumpet. On the 
preceding days my lords were, before dinner, in 
council, and afterwards rode about the town to 
survey the new fortifications made for its safe 
custody. 

2££ £«Q Moost high and moost mighty 
AquitaTn ndlti ° n ° f Prince and oure moost doubted 
and dradde Souverain Lord, After the moost 
lowly recommendacion that we your true hum- 
ble subgetts and servaunts may or can in any 
maner unto your roial mageste doo or devise, 
please hit your said roial mageste to have in 
knowlage that we your said subgetts and ser- 
vaunts with al our felaship in good helth of body 

1 These dates are erroneous, for Tuesday, which was the 
24th of July, is unnoticed. The mistake is not corrected until 
the first of August, which is properly said to have occurred on 
a Wednesday, though the preceding day, Tuesday, is called 
the 30th instead of the 31st of July. 



14 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

blessed be God cam and arrived to this your 
noble cite of Burdeaux on Monday the xvj day 
of Juil, where at oure first commyng we founde 
as sorrowful a town and as gretly dismayed 
and discoraged as any might be in th'erth as 
poeuple desolat and cast out of al comfort of 
any socour to be had from your said mageste 
ageinst your ennemies that ben in this countrey 
in gret puissaunce ; and after deliverance made 
unto them of the town of Tarteys have geten 
by assaulte the town of Saint Severs; and 
also have woune and subdued al the cuntrey of 
the landes except Baion and Ax. So that al 
that cuntrey was waxen almoost rebelle within 
viij dayes as wel barons as gentils, and other. 
And nowe your said enemies ben before the 
said cite of Ax holding their siege there rounde 
aboute hit in grete multitude of men of armes ; 
and another party of their puissaunce under 
the Lord Powns and other have laid siege to 
Sursak, which is but a day and a half journey 
from this your cite of Burdeaux as men seyn 
here. And as tidings ben commen late from 
your town of Baion your enemies purposen to 
make hij bastailles about the said town of Ax 
and stuff yeyin with iij or iiij m 1 men of armes ; 
and the remanent wol departe and besiege your 
said town of Baion ; and so they enforce them 
selve in oo tyme to gete both townes, and so 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 15 

streit to come down hider and besiege this your 
towne of Burdeaulx. Your adversaire of 
Fraunce and his son which calleth hym selve 
dolphin have been and beeth in propre personne 
on the feld in al this voyage, not only thees grete 
entreprisses and the mighty puissaunce of your 
said ennemies caused th'abaisshment of your 
trewe pouple of this your cite of Burdeaux, but 
morewithoute comparison the letters whiche were 
sent from your highnesse under your prive seel 
andborn hider by oon that calleth hymselve Fran- 
ceys whoos name in dede is Juon Goer, and deli- 
vered to divers estats here the Sonday before our 
arrival, in the which Sonday the said Fraun- 
cois and othere were sette on lande at Castel- 
lion ; and from thens rood by lande unto Bur- 
deaulx before our commyng had reported and 
noysed thorough the cite that they sholde no 
succours have ; and, as theym semed, the letters 
meaned the same ; so that at our commyng 
the cite was ful of rumour and of sorrowe, and 
had noon other trust, beleve, nor conceipt, but 
that they were abandoned and cast awey for 
evere. But blessed be God which as we beleve 
verrely in a good houre sent us hider for your 
wele, Soveraine Lord, of your countrey here by 
our commyng and arriving al your cite was 
greatly recomforted, and in especial by the com- 
fortable reporte of your succours to be had in 



16 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

haste,, which to their grettest joye and gladnesse 
we shewed and declared unto them, after the 
forme of your gracious letters geven under your 
signet of th'egle at your castel of Windesore the 
xxiij day of Juyn, and sent unto us to Ply- 
mouth, the which your letters we shewed openly 
and redde theym before al your Counsel and other 
estatshere the Tuesday next following; and after 
their desire we ded theym to be translated in to 
Frenissh and delivered theym to the most Reve- 
rend Fader in God th'archbisshop of this cite, 
which, the Wednesday next followeing, making 
a good and a right sturing collacion in his 
cathedral chirche redde and declared the said 
letters so translated openly in the pulpitte be- 
fore al the pouple, rehersshing the good and 
tendre zele that ye have to the conservacion, 
and the wele of this your cite, and of all your 
true subgetts in thees parties, and putting theym 
oute of doubte of souccurs to be had in right 
brief tyme ; exciting theym furthermore and 
exhorting by the feith and liegeaunce that they 
owe to your highnesse to do al their payne, labor, 
and true diligence aboute the defence and sauf 
garde of your cite on the meane tyme ; and so 
in trouthe they have doon, and do dayly in the 
best wise, and have fortified the said cite with 
bulwerks, gunnes, engynes, and al other neces- 
saire abiliments in the strongest wise ; and also 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 17 

skured and pared the diches and made their 
towne in al parties so redy and so mighty that 
in our conceipt they be grete and notable thanke 
worthy. And for sothe Soverain Lord we 
have not cessed nor cesse dayly to geve theym 
comfort and courage, offering oureselve and our 
pour company to be redy at al tymes to helpe 
theym and strength theym in asmuche as in us is, 
for the defense and saveng of the cite, abiding 
here with theym stille: for as yet we can not con- 
ceive that we shal mowe, hanging this werre wel 
passe any ferther, after the nature and qualite of 
our message. Wherefore moost gracious and 
moost christian Prince, we besech your high and 
moost noble grace that ye wel opene your ighes 
of pite and compassion upon your true subgetts 
here, which as nowe lyven in grete dred, and 
withoute that help be had they rather been lyke 
to perishe ; and that ye wol also calle unto 
your consideracion how this your Duchie of 
Guienne is oon th' oldest lordship longing to your 
crowne of Englande ; and thereupon of your 
moost merciful and pituous grace, commaunde 
and do suche diligence be had that your suc- 
cours be sent in hasty tyme after the forme of 
your said letters, so that by negligence or delaies 
it comen not to late, and inconvenients irre- 
cuperable be growen the meene tyme, which 
God defende, in suche wise also that we be 



18 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

founde no gabbers in executing your com- 
maundement and declaring your letters. Also 
Soverain Lord,, in taking of Saint Severs, Sir 
Thomas Rempston, your seneschal, is taken pri- 
soner, and as it is said the seel which he had 
and occupied under my Lord of Huntingdon is 
taken also, whereof we advise your highnesse 
to th'entente that yf your enemies wool forge 
or contrive any writing under the said seel no 
credence be given thereunto. Maister John de 
Batute departed hens on Saturday at noen to- 
wards his cuntrey. Furthermore Soveraine Lord, 
before the closing of thees, tidings of trouthe ben 
sent hider that the towne of Sursak longyng to 
the Baron of Gomond upon the ryver of Dur- 
don is taken by a party of your adversaries 
puissance, which is under the governaunce of 
the Lord Pouns and other ; and they nowe 
have leyd seige to the town of Bellinder upon 
the same ryver longing to the Archbishop of 
Bourdeaux, which commeth nowe to your 
highnesse ; and so they purpose to subdue al the 
forteresses in that party of the said ryver, and 
passe into your countrey of Deuxmars and to 
wynne hit, the siege being at Bourdeaux ; for as 
for the cuntreys of Pantonge and of Madok 
they make noon doubt with oon over ryding 
soon to gete hit. Moost high and moost mighty 
Prince and our moost doubted Soveraine Lord, 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 19 

we beseche oure blessed Trinite ever to have 
you in his gracious keping and govournaunce, 
and to sende you as grete prosperite as ever had 
erthly Prince, and send you victory of al your 
enemies. Written at Bourdeaux, in hast, the 
xxiiij day of Juyl. 

Your most humble subgetts and 
servaunts Roos R. and Thomas Bekinton. 

TO THE RIGHT NOBLE AND WORSHIPFUL LORD, THE 
LORD CROMWEL, TRESORER OF ENGLAND. 

Letter sent to the Right noble and worshipful 

Treasurer of Eng- ° ^ 

land - Lord, After due and lowly recom- 

mendacion, please hit you to wete that by 
cause Robert Trumpet bringer of thees couth 
not reporte unto you certain matiers of credence, 
inasmuch as he is not lettered, notwithstanding 
he can open unto your good Lordship much of 
the substance therof ; and also the paril that this 
cuntreystondeth inne. Sitchen true men as wolde 
the King wele and of this cuntrey, here send the 
saide matiers herenclosed unto your said Lord- 
ship, praieng you that considering the weight 
of this matier, and ho we true men for their ac- 
quitaille might be subtil wise misrewarded, there- 
fore peraventure for ever to kepe the bille of 
the said credence cloos and secrete to youselve, 
opening by mouth al the contents of the same 
to such as hit shal seme to your high wisdom to 



20 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

be doon for the wele of the King and of this 
cuntrey ; and Almighty God ever have you in his 
blessed keping. Written, &c. 

The Kings true men which loveth 
his wele, and the wele of this cuntrey. 

These articles were written in a certain sche- 
dule, which was inclosed in the above-written 
letter. 

■ Sc ^ le «. m ?°l? Sir ; nit is semed right ex- 

in the letter to the 3 O 

Treasurer touching pe dient unto suche as loveth the 

the condition of *■ 

Aquitain. we i e f the King and of this land 

of Guienne, that at suche tyme as that ye shal 
mowe have leyser, ye commune aparte and fel 
thorughly th'archbisshop of Bourdeaux, which 
commeth into Englande, of the maner and gou- 
vernaunce of the counseil here ; and by whom hit 
is governed, and howe and what bounds be 
amongs theym, by the which the Kings wele and 
his proufFuits and availe be leied apart, and al 
maner of justice, and no thing doon nor spedde 
but by favour and particulier lucre ; and ever 
in the conclusion al is ageinst the King and to his 
grete hurt. Item, hit is not to be doubted but con- 
sidering the trouthe and simplenesse of the said 
Archbisshop, and he be wel groped and thorughly 
examined after the grete wisdom of you, so 
he folowe not th'instruccion which is supposed 
that he hath here before his departing ; but 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 21 

may be so induced oons to leep in the mergyn, 
he would telle the trouthe ; the which, so re- 
medie be proveied therefore, is lyke to be the 
salvation of this londe, which elles must be 
nedely the losse by the selfe misgovernaunce, 
though noon other enemies were. Item me- 
morie, yf hit be seye to your grete discrecion 
that a commission be had and sent hider under 
the Kings grete seel directed to Sir Ro : Roos, 
the Mair and Conestable of Bourdeaux, geveng 
theym pouair to examine and to procede law- 
fully after the lawes and customes of this cun- 
trey ageinst oon which callethe him selve Fraun- 
ceys, whoos name in dede is Juon Gore, that late 
was in Englande, and now is here under arrest 
for his fals reporte that he made oute of Eng- 
lande to the pouple here that no succours shol 
be had from thens ; and that Englande tok no 
account of this cuntry nor sette therby, to sture 
the herts of the pouple ageinst the King for to 
departe from his obeissaunce, wherof grete com- 
mocion and grete sedicion was growen, as wel 
in this cite as in al this countrey aboute ; the 
which Fraunceys also under arrest bycause of 
his false famed message that he did last in Eng- 
lande upon his owne hed, wher as by th'advis 
of al the counsel here, as they openly sey and 
avoweth, he was commaunded oonly to seve to 
S r Ro : Roos and to folowe his direction, where 



22 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

as he never spak with hym in al his being there. 
But ageinst th'advis and wel of al the said 
counseil and of al th'astats and Jurats of this 
cite axed oonly finaunce to be had withoute 
pouple. Wherupon hit semeth to be expe- 
dient for the wele of this euntrey and right 
honest and worshipfull to al the Lords of the 
Kings counseille therefore, th'excuse of their 
ignorance of this grete necessite here, to send 
hider letters testimonial witnessing his said 
axing ; and so hit is right necessare to be doon, 
and semblably the Kings true men praieth to be 
doon seing that for thexcuse of the said Lords 
of the Kings counseil there the maner of the 
said misgovernaunce and demeneng of the said 
Francois as is before reherced hath be openly 
declared before the Kings counseil here, and for 
the worship of al sides ought to be proved. 

July XXVI. XXVII. Friday and Saturday, 
at home. 

XXVIII. Sunday, at home to dinner; and to 
supper with the chanter of the church of St. 
Andrew, where his lordship the secretary, and 
Beek, conferred on the proceedings of an officer 
against Robert Clyfton, constable of the castle 
of Bourdeaux. 

XXIX. Monday, at home to dinner; with 
Bernard Angevin and Huse. To-day, in the 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 23 

evening, an agreement was made between M. 
Roos and the Capitowe, in a garden within the 
castle. 

July XXX. Tuesday, to dinner with the Dean 
of St. James's : at home to supper. In the even- 
ing a pursuivant at arms came to Master Roos, 
with the following letter from the Count Ar- 
magnac ; and to-day M. Roos consulted by 
letter with Mr. J. de Batute. 

TO MY VERY DEAR AND GREAT FRIEND, MONS R . 
ROBERT ROOS. 

First letter of the y ery ^ear and great friend, 

Earl Armagnac to J ° 

the Knight Am- please to know that my beloved, 

bassador. x ' 

[in French]. and faithful councillor Master 

Jean de Batut, Licentiate in law, Canon 
and Archdeacon of Saint Antonine, the church 
of our Lady of Rhodes, is arrived and come 
to me ; and he has reported and informed 
me of your arrival here, by which I have been as 
rejoiced and consoled as possible. My said coun- 
sellor has informed me of the wish, desire, and 
affection which you have to come to me : never- 
theless, because of the things that have hap- 
pened and the impediments which have occurred 
on account of them, as you yourself may know 
and it is notorious, your coming to me cannot 
be hastened, as you would wish and I desire, 
the said impediments preventing it. But I will 
give such order as to your coming, and will 
cause such diligence to be made in it, that your 



24 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

said coming shall be as soon and brief as 
possible, and when it can be done properly. 
Praying you especially, very dear and great 
friend, that you will please to take patience 
touching the postponement of your said coming, 
having regard to the said impediments. Very 
dear and great friend, may the Lord have you 
in his holy keeping. Written at Leyttoure the 
xxiijth day of July. 

The Count D'armaignac. 

TO MY VERY HONOURED LORD, MONS. ROBERT ROOS. 

[Partly in French jy[ y very hoilOUTed Lord, I 

and partly in J J 

Latin -] commend myself to you as humbly 

and heartily as I can, and be pleased to know 
that I am arrived here safe and well, by God's 
grace and yours. My Lord has derived great 
joy and pleasure from your coming and mine, and 
has great desire and inclination for the accom- 
plishment of the business to the satisfaction of 
our said Lord; and he will cause great diligence 
to be used with respect to your safe coming 
hither ; and it shall be done as soon as it can, 
for I have already sent for your safe conduct, 
and I trust it will be obtained. The arrival 
of your friends will be expected afterwards, &c. 
with whom, I trust in the Lord, you will safely 
pass over. Upon this my heart is bent above 
all things. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 25 

It would be more expedient, as you know, 
that the picture should be done on your part 
than on ours, and my lord constantly uses the 
utmost diligence, that with God's assistance, you 
may find here a fit artist when you arrive ; and 
he grieves excessively for the delay and impedi- 
ments which have taken place in the arrange- 
ments which, with his good will, he has earnestly 
made. I pray you that you use the utmost dili- 
gence that you can on your part for the advance- 
ment of the business, and in such wise that it 
may come to the good conclusion which you 
desire, for we will do so likewise. Please you 
to recommend me to Mr. Secretary, Mr. Tirel, 
Huse, Savage, William Austin, and William Bur- 
ton, and your other servants, with the best. Very 
honoured Lord, the blessed son of God have you 
in his holy keeping, and give you good life and 
long. Written at Leytoure the xxixth July, your 
humble servant. 

John de Batute. 

August I. Wednesday, at home to dinner ; 
Huse with his lordship. In the afternoon at 
three, the pursuivant at arms before mentioned 
returned. In the night, about two, cxxx French 
from Tollemont and Riaunt, with vj gabbers, 
landed at Bourdeaux, and took a large vessel in 
the river, without opposition, though they were 
seen by many. In sailing homewards, they took 



26 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

a small vessel with corn and wine ; but between 
Bloy and Mergans, T. Scot and other country 
people gave them battle, and retook the vessels, 
about twenty men being killed on each side. 

August II. Thursday, at home ; Bernard 
Angevin and William Tirel with his lordship. 

III. Friday, at home to dinner. In the even- 
ing his lordship the secretary, and the Dean of 
St. Andrews made terms between the constable 
and the officer, concerning all suits and de- 
mands. 

IV. V. Saturday and Sunday, to dinner with 
his lordship, the Dean of St. Andrews, &c. 

VI. Monday, to dinner at home, with Ber- 
nard de Groos. 

VII. VIII. IX. Tuesday, Wednesday, and 
Thursday, at home. To-day George Swillington 
was with his lordship. 

X. Friday, at home, with Bernard de Groos 
and N. Huse. To-day being the feast of Saint 
Laurence, the following letter was sent to the 
King, with the utmost secrecy of conveyance, by 
an old pilgrim : it was written in three lines on 
vellum, the whole length of the skin, and was 
sewed up in the border of his garment. 



&5S.E Please hit y° ur ^g^esse to 

bassadors to the ^^ the things f this cuntrey ; 

that on Friday the third day of August, the cite 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 27 

of Ax, which is holden the strengest of all Gui- 
enne, was wonne, and your adversarie was in 
hit ; and his son called the Dolphin with the 
Constable and Marschall of France forth with 
have leyd siege unto your cite of Baion, which 
as they seith maketh them sure to have hit 
within viij dayes .-; and from thens streight to 
come to Bourdeaux, wher - as God knoweth is 
division, and never was so litel help nor store of 
Englissh pouple, the lak of whom is cause of losse 
of al this cuntrey ; as we doubt not, on lesse that 
succour be had withoute any delaie, all is goon. 
This we write unto you for our last and true 
acquitaille ; God send grace that the son and 
hastly sende hider som comfort and succour to 
revieve the herts of the pouple that been here, 
the which seeing that the promise of your letters 
which ye sent unto us unto Plymouthe, and we 
by your commaundement opene hit unto theym, 
is not fulfilled, been plainly dispaired ; and for 
the wele of you and of this your cuntrey, trust 
noon other worde nor writing, for by our lieg- 
ance this is trouthe. Writen at Bourdeaux, the 
ix day of August. Th'entent principal of al this 
is to lette the fruit of our message. 

Roos Ro. T. Bekinton. 

August XL Saturday, at home, with the friar 
provincial of the order of the Carmelites. 



28 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

August XII. Sunday, at home ; Sir Lowez 
Despoir and the town elerk 1 to dinner. 

XIII. Monday, George Swillington and Wil- 
liam Tirell with his lordship. To-day he rode 
to the tower of St. Thomas, and then along the 
walls, and met the Capitowe in le Roperye, and 
afterwards came into the castle to council. 

XIV. Tuesday morning, the Capitowe, Ro- 
bert Roos, his lordship the Secretary, and the 
rest conferred together in the church of St. 
Peter, and afterwards went over to the castle to 
the council. To-day Bernard Angevin gave his 
lordship twelve geese, twelve capons, "thirty pul- 
lets ; Blake, nine turtle-doves ; and Bernard de 
Groos, two. 

XV. Wednesday, the feast of the assump- 
tion of the blessed Mary, his lordship the Capi- 
towe, and the other lords of the council were at 
the inn of M. Roos, where his lordship dined; 
and after noon, at the castle, M. Roos was 
chosen regent to-day. 

XVI. XVII. XVIII. Thursday, Friday, Sa- 
turday, at home. 

XIX. Sunday, at home. At dinner, M. Roos, 
the regent, and Mons r . Guillautine, to whom his 
lordship the regent, sent some new wine, called 
" le Must." To-day the regent mustered the 
armed men of the city of Bourdeaux ; there 

1 Clericus Ville. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 29 

were two hundred men armed with lances,, and 
many others armed for the preservation of the 
city upon the walls and in the towers, with 
cannons and other necessary arms. 

August XX. Monday, at home, and in 
council at the castle. 

XXI. Tuesday, to dinner with Guilla utine : 
to supper at home, George Swillington with him. 

XXII. XXIII. Wednesday and Thursday, at 
home, Huse with him. 

XXIV. Friday, with Bernard de Garos. To- 
day was the festival of St. Bartholomew. Let- 
ters were received from d'Armagnac. 

TO MY VERY DEAR AND GREAT FRIEND, MONS. ROBERT 

ROOS. 

Second letter of the * _ n . , 

Eari Armagnac to Very.; dear and great mend. 
sador. n [Tn French.] My friend and faithful counsellor, 
Mons r . John de Batute, licentiate in laws, canon 
and archdeacon of Saint Antonine, the church 
of our lady of Rhodes, writes to you now on your 
coming hither, and on the safety of the same. So 
I pray you, that to what he writes to you, you 
will please to give faith and full credence, as 
you would do to myself in person. Very dear 
and great friend, the blessed son of God have 
you in his keeping. Written at Leittour, the 
xxth day of the month of August. 

The Count D'armaignac. 



30 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

TO MY VERY HONOURED LORD, MONS. ROBERT BOOS. 

[Partly in French Very honoured Lord, I com- 

and partly in 

Latin.] mend myself to you as heartily 

as I can. I wrote to you before of the good 
wishes and intentions that my lord the Count 
had and has, regarding the business which you 
know, and the diligence which he has used, 
and still always uses respecting the safety of 
your coming hither ; and I must inform you that 
he has felt much displeasure at the delay of 
your said coming, as I have with all my heart : 
and it would have pleased our lord that we 
had all come hither together, for I think cer- 
tainly that you might very safely have come and 
returned by the middle of August ; * for all the 
King's people were then very far from us and from 
our road, who are now come near. Neverthe- 
less, my said lord has sent to the King for your 
safe conduct, because, since he is so near, and has 
so great a force in this neighbourhood, my said 
lord is advised thathe neither ought nor couldpro- 
perly send for you without the said safe-conduct ; 
but the messengers are not yet returned. And to 
confess the truth to you, I doubt if the King will 
grant the safe conduct, knowing the business on 
which you have come ; for our friend intimated 
it to the Regent of Marsano as soon as we ar- 

1 The original word appears to be mayoument. Mayoust 
Mayaoust. i. e. Mi-aout. See Roquefort. 



SECERETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 31 

rived at Bourdeaux, and thence it was told to his 
nephew, and finally to the King. But I trust in 
the Lord that the King will dissent from those 
with whom he is associated, and that we shall 
still have friends on the banks of the Garonne, 
which they hope to occupy, through the midst 
of whom we may pass securely. " Ou vraiment 
le nort" will send us news that you may come 
over, to your honour and ours, which news our 
lord wishes to send to you. I write this to you 
now, that you may not grieve on account o your 
long stay ; but as soon as the message touching 
the said safe conduct shall arrive, I will inform 
you of all other news, by the aid of God. And 
I commend myself with all my heart to Mr. 
Secretary, and Masters William Tirel, N. Huse, 
Hetton, Robert Savage, William Austin, and to 
all your other servants; and I pray that you 
will let me know all news of your good country, 
which may our Lord grant and make, and hold 
you in his safe keeping as I desire. Written at 
Leittour, the xxth of August. 

Your servant, John. 

August XXV. Saturday, at home, William 
Tirel and Robert Savage to dinner. To-day the 
Capitowe mustered lxx lances ; and a reply was 
given to the letters of the Count of Armagnac, 
and of Mr. John de Batute, as follows: — 



32 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

TO MY VERY HONORED LORD, THE COUNT d'ARMAGNAC. 

Letter to the Count y ery honoured Lord, I commend 

of Armagnac, by a J 

soldier, [in French.] m y Se lf to you, and humbly thank 
you that you have been pleased that Master John 
de Batute, your counsellor, should send me 
letters and credence of your will. On which ac- 
count I supplicate you, and beg that you will be 
pleased to put faith and credence in the letters 
sent by me to the said Master John by the bearer 
of these ; praying our Lord that he may have you 
in holy keeping. Written at Bourdeaux, the 
xxiiijth day of August. 

Roos Ro. 

TO MY VERY DEAR FRIEND, MASTER JOHN DE BATUTE. 

Letter to the Chan- y ery dear friend. Be pleased to 

cellor, by a sol- J L 

dier. [in French.] know, that touching the coming of 
my companion the secretary and myself, the case 
is changed, since your departure, in several ways. 
The first is, that the three states of our party 
have chosen me for their Regent, until the King 
shall have otherwise provided, in which office I 
will employ myself to the utmost of my power in 
all things for the defence of his country. The 
second is, that it appears to me that when the 
King, our Sovereign Lord, shall be correctly in- 
formed of the war which the Viscount of Lomaine 
has carried, and still daily carries on against him, 
he will not agree to the business which you are 
aware of. The third is, that after the arrival of 
our army from England, which we are certainly 
informed will shortly arrive, I make no doubt that 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 33 

their first attack will be on you, the which is likely 
to be destruction to your country, and for which 
you can blame no one but yourselves, considering 
all things done and said before. And know that if 
we do not see another disposition and behaviour 
on your part, from that which exists at present, 
we shall have no further desire to transport our- 
selves to the other side, nor any thing more to 
do in the matter which you know of; for we 
are well informed whence the evil is come by 
which the king's territories have suffered ; and if 
it seems to you that the count is well advised, 
we submit ourselves to him, and to you his 
other counsellors. Do not suspect such folly in 
us that we should purchase evil for good in our 
mission. After taking measures for the defence 
of the country, we intend to transport ourselves, 
in the first ship which shall come over, to our 
Sovereign Lord the King, to lay before him what 
we have met with here, unless we have spee- 
dily other news from you. Written at Bour- 
deaux, the xxiiij th day of August. 

Roos R. 
August XXVI. Sunday, at home ; Bernard de 
Graos here. Letters were received which had 
been sent to the Lady de Toneux by the Coun- 
tess of Armagnac and the Viscount of Leomaine, 
declaring that if the said lady and her husband 
would deliver themselves up to him, that is, 
to the Viscount of Lomaine, they should be sub- 
jects of France, because, forsooth, the pretended 

D 



34 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON. 

King of France had invaded Gascony and Ac- 
quitain, and had written to the said viscount 
that as many fortresses and places upon the 
river Garonne as would surrender to him, should 
be kept by him unharmed, with their lords and 
all their goods. On this account, both the 
countess and viscount have written to the said 
lady, advising her to persuade her husband and 
the other lords near her, to surrender them- 
selves to the viscount as subjects of France, 
and he would keep them, &c. 

August XXVII. XXVIII. Monday and Tues- 
day, Tirel. 

XXIX. Wednesday, Huse. 

XXX. Thursday, Tirel. 

XXXI. Friday, and Saturday, September I. 
at home. To-day, at the xijth hour, at noon, his 
lordship the regent, and his household, with Sir 
J. Trevenaunt, Davy Ap Llewellyn, Robert Re- 
pinghale, and John Payntour, sailed in a small 
vessel towards Saint Makary. 

September II. Sunday, to dinner, B. de Garos. 
To supper, Janecot de Lahet, and the comp- 
troller with him. 

III. Monday, before noon in the council- 
house with the mayor. To dinner with his lord- 
ship, the king's procurator. 

IV. Tuesday, after hearing mass, his lord- 
ship went to the place of the lady, his hostess, 
" en entre deux mars," and went round the hill 
and the wood of cypress, called Cinon, which 



1442. 35 

belong to the king. To supper with the con- 
stable. 

September V. Wednesday. In the afternoon 
in the castle, with the other members of the 
council. 

VI. Thursday, after dinner, he sailed to Lore- 
mont, to the chapel of St. Katherine, and rested 
there in the hermitage. To supper at home. 

VII. Friday, before noon at the castle with 
the rest of the council : to-day his lordship the 
regent returned. 

VIII. Saturday, the festival of the blessed 
Mary. 

IX. Sunday, Rokbey and Janicot Maucamp 
to supper. 

X. Monday, the comptroller with his lord- 
ship. 

XI. Tuesday, Blake and Richard Logan. 

XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. Wednesday, 
Thursday, Friday, Saturday ; Sunday, at noon, 
with the Bishop of Bassat. 

XVII. Monday, at home. 

XVIII. Tuesday; after dinner he and the 
comptroller rode to the place of St. Severinus, 
where they saw the process of making wine. 
At this place they drank, and then rode to Le 
Bordeu of St. Andrew, near the chapel of St. 
Denis, and there also drank. 

XIX. XX. Wednesday and Thursday, at 
home ; Sir Lowez Despoir with him. 



36 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

September XXI. Friday, the comptroller with 
him to dinner. Before noon at the castle with 
the Prior of St. Martin's, between whom and 
Friar Bernard there was a great quarrel. 

XXII. Saturday, the comptroller to dinner. 

XXIII. Sunday, at home. 

XXIV. XXV. Monday, Tuesday, and to- 
day, he was with the constable who was sick 
and apparently at the point of death ; so that 
he caused him to make his will. The following 
morning at four, or thereabout, he died. At 
home to dinner and supper. 

XXVI. Wednesday afternoon at the castle 
at the funeral service for the constable, which 
was said in the following manner ; — First, Pater 
noster ; next the Invitatory, Regem cui omnia 
veniunt Venite adoremus, Venite, with the usual 
verses and place. Gloria patri. Regem etemum. 
Lastly, three psalms, three lessons, with re- 
sponses and verses, and with the prayer, Inclina 
et non plus. 

Note. — The constable had borrowed of Ber- 
nard de Garos, 1 ... in the month of May last, 
and was bound by a bond to pay the sum to the 
said Barnard at the feast of St. Michael next. Yet 
Bernard caused the constable to be excommu- 
nicated for non-payment of the money, on the 
third day before the festival at which it was due. 

1 Query — C franks. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 37 

September XXVII. Thursday, at the Car- 
melites, at the constable's mass in the church 
where he was buried. To-day all the goods of 
the constable were seized for the king, until, &c. 
Huse, with his companions and five servants of 
my lord the secretary, went out as far as Rieul, 
which the pretended King of France, the Dau- 
phin, and other nobles of France have besieged 
for a long time past, viz weeks. 

XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. Friday, Saturday, 
Sunday, to dinner with his lordship the regent. 

October I. Monday, at home. 

II. Tuesday, to dinner at home, his lordship 
the regent with him. After dinner the Capi- 
towe, the Viscount de Longevile, and Sir Lowez 
de Spoy came thither, and informed his lord- 
ship the regent, in the presence of my lord the 
secretary, that when Gailard Shorthose, mayor 
of the city of Bourdeaux, received the letter 
which the regent sent under seal of the office of 
Seneschal of Bourdeaux to preserve the town of 
Burgerac ; the mayor having read the letter, 
carelessly kicked his stirrup, and said before all, 
that he cared no more for it than he did for that. 

III. IV. Wednesday and Thursday, at home. 
After dinner my lord went to his lordship the 
regent, and in returning home met the mayor 
at the regent's gate. A little after, he met the 
Capitowe, the Dean of St. Andrew's, Sir Bernard 



88 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

Montferant, the town-clerk, and others. The 
capitowe requested him to return to his lord- 
ship the regent to hold a council, to which he 
replied that there was no council remaining that 
cared for the interests or advantage of the king, 
&c. and so he came home. This afternoon the 
Dean of St. Andrew's said openly to the Viscount 
de Longville, Sir Louis de Spoy, and others in 
the council-house, that if the enemy came to 
Bourdeaux, and a thousand English came to its 
aid, they must abide by the stronger. To-day 
letters were sent from Rieul from Huse and 
and his companions, by Thomas Wilson, to their 
lordships the regent and the secretary. 

October V. VI. Friday and Saturday, at 
home. His lordship the regent and my lord 
the secretary dispatched a letter and some habi- 
liments of war, together with a friar in orders, 
to hear the confessions of such of the English 
as could not understand French or Gascoigne : 
they sent also a surgeon to heal the wounded, 
if there should be any, in Rieul. 

VII. Sunday, before noon, his lordship the 
regent, who is almost weighed down with infir- 
mity, rode with great pain to the place of St. 
Eloy, where he persuaded the jurates and other 
principal persons of the town, to send men at 
arms to Rieul ; in consequence of which in the 
evening they sent thirty men at arms and ar- 



39 

chers, and ten men at arms and archers from 
Saint Makery. His lordship the regent dined 
with my lord secretary,, and the Prior de Mar- 
moud, Louis Despoy, Tirel, and the comptroller. 
To-day his lordship sent a letter to the captains, 
esquires, and good soldiers of the tower of St. 
Thomas within Rieul. 

October VIII. Monday, to dinner with 
N. Gremond ; to supper at home, the Prior Mar- 
moud there. The town of Rieul was stormed 
and taken to-day by the French. 

IX. Tuesday, to dinner, the Prior Marmoud 
and nine servants of the constable. 

X. XI. Wednesday and Thursday, at home. 
The following letter was received from Mr. J. 
de Batute: — 

TO THE WORSHIPFUL AND EXCELLENT SIR ROBERT 
ROOS, REGENT, AND THOMAS BEKYNTON, DOCTOR 
OF LAWS, HIS MAJESTY'S SECRETARY, MY HO- 
NOURABLE LORDS. 

Letter of the Chan- Mine honourable, noble, and 

cellor of the Count 

of Armagnac, de- most worthy Lords ; my humble 

clarative of entering 

upon the matter of duty remembered. From my 

marriage, and by J 

whom. —[Latin.] inability to speak, and especially 
to write correctly in French, a fact which 
you well know, I have determined on this 
occasion to write in Latin, a tongue familiar to 
us both, though at former times I have at- 



40 JOURNAL OF BEeKINGTON, 

tempted to write in French. I have received, 
Mons r . de Roos, your letter, to the following 
effect :— " Tres cher," &c. (See before xxiiijth of 
August) which has given me great anxiety and 
pain ; and the more so as I looked for nothing 
from it but satisfaction and pleasure. The same 
feelings have been experienced by my noble lord, 
who has read it with great astonishment, and 
commanded me to inform your lordships as 
follows : — That the business now in agitation, 
was not begun at his instance, but at the re- 
quest of the illustrious princes and lords, the 
Dukes of Bretagne, Orleans, and Alencon ; as is 
confirmed by their letters signed and sealed. 
This, Mons r . le Roos, you well know, and that 
my lord is, and always was, well disposed to 
proceed in the said business with the pleasure 
of the most serene king your master. As to 
what you write, that it is not your intention to 
proceed in the business, till you see the govern- 
ment and disposition of the country changed, 
my lord is unable to comprehend it, without 
further explanation. On his part, however, he has 
determined to inform the lords and dukes afore- 
said, on the subject, and to communicate every 
thing to them ; and on your part, you may do 
so if you see fit. But being concerned in this 
business of my lord, above all things that I de- 
sire on earth, I must speak from the fullness of 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 41 

my heart. There are three things, Mons r . Roos, 
which you say have changed the business on 
which you came. First, that the direction and 
government of the country is committed to 
you, &c. This my illustrious lord has heard 
with pleasure, and heartily wishes you joy and 
good fortune, in which I also join him, praising 
God for it : yet I do not see (always speaking 
with honour and respect) why this should im- 
pede the business upon which you came ; be- 
cause, although at present you may be much 
occupied, yet the time will shortly arrive (I trust 
in the Lord) in which you will be more at 
liberty, and able, if you please, to attend to this 
business ; and as to your anxiety about my 
Lord of Leomagne, &c. it ought to be no impe- 
pediment ; because, as you know the matter is 
not fixed and concluded, and therefore he could 
not honorably have disobeyed the commands 
given him ; and indeed if he had, our country, 
as we have often said, would now have been 
given up to pillage, Therefore I am much 
astonished that you should reproach us, for you 
know that it is the wish of the king and all his 
council to preserve the house of my lord from 
all reproach or injury on account of this busi- 
ness, which certainly would not have been the 
case if he had in any respect resisted the afore- 
said commands. Much less also could the king's 



42 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

majesty have esteemed my lord, if he had deli- 
berately surrendered himself to pillage and de- 
struction ; nor would it have been honorable to 
his majesty to have done so, as you must be 
yourselves convinced. The lawyers also say, 
that there is no merit in attempting or essaying 
a thing which, if attempted or essayed, would 
have been to no effect, &c. ; and therefore I do 
not see (saving your honour as before) why this 
should have been an impediment to the business 
in agitation. As to the other point to which 
you allude, of the approach of an armament, 
God forbid that it should be designed, as you 
think, for the destruction of this country ; for we 
have done nothing which should entail war upon 
us ; and since you intimate that you know 
whence the mischief of this war has arisen, I 
appeal to you to say openly whence it has arisen. 
For you cannot assert it has originated with us, 
nor can you have been told so by others, except 
by our declared enemies, who may have im- 
pressed you with that opinion. This, indeed, I 
have always feared they would do, and have 
intreated you to lend no ear to any thing they 
might say, for they arein defatigable, as I have 
told you, in devising means to obstruct this 
alliance ; and their success is but too manifest ; 
for since my departure (I speak as before with 
respect) you seem quite an altered man ; nor 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 43 

could I then have thought that you had any- 
evil in view in prosecuting this business,, but 
only the honour and advantage of the king's 
majesty. However, I leave the matter to your 
discretion ; but if you desire to know whence 
the war has arisen and what was its origin 
from other authority than that of our declared 
enemies, you will find that they are themselves 
its cause, and no other ; a fact which is noto- 
riously manifest in that country, as every where 
else. I should not have thought that you would 
have thus decided against us on their reports. 
As to the rest of your letter, of your returning 
to your serene king, and telling him what you 
have discovered, I do not believe that you could 
make an unfavorable report of our conduct, ex- 
cept on the information of our known enemies, 
and to which, as you well know, no credit is to 
be given. With regard to my lord, he is pre- 
pared to proceed in the business whensoever it 
shall please the king's majesty, and his pleasure 
in the matter shall be declared to my lord by 
you or some other. I lament from the bottom 
of my heart, that you should allow such an 
alliance to remain unaccomplished, through the 
suggestions of our adversaries ; but I leave the 
matter to God, the knower and searcher of 
hearts, with my maledictions on those who ob- 
struct it. I cannot, however, sufficiently express 
my astonishment that you should thus relinquish 



44 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

it, considering the zeal which you have formerly- 
shown in it. While the boundaries of the country 
shall stand, my lord will never permit innova- 
tions in its government, because this would be 
to deliver it up to fire and plunder — a consum- 
mation which you cannot desire. In conclu- 
sion : my lord, be of good heart, and fear not 
the happy termination of your embassy, which 
with God's good pleasure I hope shortly to see, 
if there be no deficiency on your part : also let 
it please you to write back as soon as may be, 
of your determination in the matter, and what- 
ever you demand shall be complied with to the 
utmost of our power. May the Most High dis- 
poser of events have your noble and excellent 
lordships in his safe-keeping in all prosperity 
and happiness. From Auxerre the xvth of Sep- 
tember, 1442. 

Yours to command, 

J. de Batute. 

October XII. XIII. XIIII. Friday, Saturday, 
Sunday, at home. On the latter day a reply was 
given in writing to the above letter of Mr. J. 
de Batute. 

TO THE WORSHIPFUL AND EXCELLENT, MASTER 
JOHN DE BATUTE. 

din ply ie tt?r e P from Worshipful and worthy Sir, 

the Ambassadors vvith our inmost recommenda- 

— [Latin.] 



1442. 45 

tions. Your letter written on the xvth of Sep- 
tember, at Auxerre, was received by us in this 
city on the xjth day of this month. On ac- 
count of its great prolixity, to rehearse it would 
be to write a volume, rather than a letter. 
But as you are a prudent man, we doubt not 
that you have a copy of it in your possession, and 
we will therefore, at once, reply summarily to 
each of its articles. With regard to the first 
point, on which you require an explanation on 
the part of your lord, we observe, that as to the 
origin of the negociation, whatever it might be, 
it is a question which we have no authority or 
inclination to discuss. But you well know, and 
cannot refuse your lively testimony to the warm 
and earnest desire evinced for its happy conclu- 
sion in the part of the country which you have 
visited, and which had been so evident in the 
smiles and attentions which you and yours 
have every where received, that it may be al- 
most said to rest on a sensible and tangible 
proof. As to what you write of your lord 
being still, and having always been, earnest and 
sincere for proceeding, &c. we should certainly 
be astonished at any change of his mind in this 
respect, though facts might seem to imply it ; 
especially when we consider the honour, fame, 
and dignity which the happy conclusion of the 
business would bring to his house. We rejoice 



46 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

at his constant determination to prosecute it, 
and should rejoice still more if he should carry 
his purpose into effect, and thereby release us 
from this wearisome delay, in which so much 
expense of time and money have been in- 
curred. With regard to your accusation, that 
we have signified in our letters that we had no 
intention of proceeding, &c. unless we saw the 
government and temper of the country changed, 
and that you know not what we mean by this, 
&c., with your permission we must say, that 
we have neither said nor thought any thing 
about the country, as our letters will plainly 
prove. We knew that we were writing to an 
intelligent man, and to such a one it is proper to 
write with caution on subjects of secrecy. But 
if, in addition to what we have said, and in 
which we have perhaps gone too far, you weigh 
the letters which have lately proceeded from 
the house in question, you will have no diffi- 
culty in perceiving our real sentiments. Further 
on, where you divide and treat separately the 
three circumstances which have altered the face 
of the business, you err widely from the inten- 
tion of the writer, who placed those circum- 
stances together, to be viewed in conjunction, 
and not separately. As to that person, Leo- 
magne, one might very properly reply with the 
verse, " Est modus in rebus sunt certi denique 



1442. 47 

fines/' &c. To all the other points, one answer 
will be enough ; that we are in no respect 
changed into different men, or seduced from our 
sincere and honest intentions by the arguments 
or flatteries of any persons whatsoever. Indeed 
you ought long ago to have acquitted us of such 
an imputation, and even of the possibility of 
guilt. We desire nothing more than to see you 
perform your part with earnestness and since- 
rity, and to be released from spending our time 
and property in this place to no effect, in a state 
of weariness and suspense. We conclude by 
hoping that you will quickly read, and send us 
your reply, to the present letter, and also to the 
others that we send you with it. We believe 
that by means of that man, Leomagne, who 
cannot be far off, the road behind you is per- 
fectly safe for a messenger. We bid you fare- 
well, recommending ourselves most humbly to 
your lord. From Bourdeaux, the xijth of Oc- 
tober. 

Roos R. T. B. 

TO THE WORTHY AND EXCELLENT, MASTER JOHN 
DE BATUTE. 

My very dear friend : As there appears to 
us no possibility of going up in safety, to shorten 
the matter we have determined that the three 
likenesses or pictures should be finished and 



48 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

sent hither with all dispatch. I wish they were 
now here and in our possession, for there is 
plenty of messengers ; also that you and some 
other at the pleasure of your lord, possessing 
full powers, and sufficiently instructed in this 
behalf, would come down hither as quickly as 
may be, or to some intermediate place, safe 
to both parties ; and to render the business 
more efficacious and mature, you should be 
instructed with regard to the dower, and also 
of the paraphernalia or female ornaments, 
commonly called " le chambre ;" also to what 
place she ought to be conducted at the charges 
and expense of his lordship, &c. and what 
homage, &c. ; and it will be very expedient that 
a herald or poursuivant at arms should come 
with you, who, if any doubt should arise in the 
business, may speedily consult his lordship and 
return. Fare you well, in all happiness and 
prosperity. From Bourdeaux, the xiijth of Oc- 
tober. 

Roos R. 

October XV. Monday, to dinner with his 
lordship the regent. 

XVI. XVII. Tuesday and Wednesday, at 
home. To-day letters were sent by his lordship 
to the king, to the lords of Gloucester, Cardi- 
nal, &c. by Pikbourn, who embarked in the 
evening about seven. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. Ao. 1442. 49 

Letter to the King Most Christian and moost 

from the Ambassa- 
dors on the wretch- gracious Prince, oure moost dred 

ed s tate of A qui tain . ° 

Sovereign Lord : After our moost 
humble recommendacion, please hit your high 
and noble grace, as for tidings from this your 
cuntrey of Guienne, to wete, that after your ad- 
versary of France had taken your town of Saint 
Sever and your cite of Ax, and put under his 
obeissance the cuntrey of the Lawndes, he 
drew hym down towards this your cite of Bur- 
deaux, by the ryver of Garon, where in right 
brief tyme he hath geten and taken the townes 
and castles and fortresses whoos names be spe- 
cified in the cedule her enclosed. And after 
that he had the towne of Marmaude, he abode 
there with right litel puissance iij weks and 
more ; so that by all lyklyhode yf any stuf or 
pouaire of Englissh pouple had be here, he might 
never have had escaped by reason untaken. And 
sithens he hath of new encresced his armee, 
and after that sieged and taken your town and 
castel of Mavesyn, and upon that the iij day of 
this present moneth he leied siege to your town 
and castel of Rieul, which is but vij leucks 
from this your cite of Burd' the whiche town 
he gate with asaulte the vij day of this same 
moneth, and slewe therin muche pouple. Never- 
theles the castel holdeth as yet, and within hit 
for lak of other help there ben of our felawship 

E 



50 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

al such as we might spare : God send hem com- 
fort and more help be tyme. After this he 
purposeth, as mey seym, to besiege the townes of 
St. Makery, Cadiliac, and Rious ; and he holdeth 
hym sure to gete theym al by sault in right brief 
tyme, and than al is Frensshe, and by the said 
ryver unto the gatis of this your cite. Also 
please it your roial Mageste furthermore to 
knowe that after that your said cite of Ax and 
your town of Saint Sever were nowe late reduct 
to your obeissance, as we suppose ye have wel 
had in knowlage by such passagis as have come 
fro your towne of Bayon, for as from hens sithen 
the departing of th'archbisshop of Burdeux 
went never passage ; nor unto this tyme was no 
maner of navir for to passe inne. Your adver- 
sarie hath commaunded th'erl of Fux to leye 
newe siege to your said town and cite of Saint 
Sever and Ax. The which Erl as is do us to 
understand by letters sent hider for succurs from 
the said town of Saint Sever, hath disposed hit 
to besiege hit ; and as we trowe he hath leied 
the siege before this. And he may be had no 
comfort of succours to helpe theym with, for 
we have not wherewith to help our serve, the 
which causeth grete hevynesse, desolacion, and 
sorowe amongis al your pouple here, seing that 
after promisse of succours declared unto theym 
by your commaundement is passed so longe a 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 51 

tyme and no comfort commeth, not so much in 
al this tyme as oon balanger to revive their 
herts, and putt theym in good trust and hope of 
comfort. Truly in conceipt of your true men 
here a lytle nombre of good men sent hider by 
tyme as hit was promissed mought have kept 
your cuntrey from this grete hurt ; which xx M 
li wol not nowe by many dayes lightly recovere ; 
and yet furthermore, yf your merchaunts had be 
soufFred to passe hider for the vintaige in suche 
tyme as they have be accustumed in yers be- 
fore, doubtles your "enemies wold not have 
abiden to do this grete harme that they have 
do on and dayly doth. God send us hasty tidings 
for comfort of your pouple here, which in trouth, 
as in our opinion, stode never so dismaied before 
this tyme. By thees tidings moost gracious 
soverain lord, ye may clierly understande howe 
the weyes of our message been empeched and 
forbarred ; and as Maister John de Batute hath 
writen unto us, your said adversary by no man- 
ner of meen may be induced to graunte us his 
letters of sauf condeuct ; and so hit is not seyn 
unto us possible as yet in any maner of wise to 
passe upward in surte of our personnes. Where- 
fore please hit your high and noble grace to late 
us have knowlage of your gracious pleasir in 
this behalve, and howe ye wol we shal be fur- 
thermore gouverned and demeaned. Over this 



52 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

at the request of your counseil here and for our 
true acquittaile we avis as we dare your High- 
nesse, for the wele of you and of this your cuntrey 
here, not lightly to passe upon suche graunts of 
your demaynnes or other lands, rents, or re- 
venues here, as peraventure shal be axed of 
your said Highnesse, but that hit please your 
Mageste t'abide th'advisment of your said coun- 
seille which purposen by commune and mure 
deliberacion t'acertaine your said Mageste of such 
inconvenients as by such graunts have growen 
here before, and in what wise they may for your 
wele be eschewed hereafter. Moost blessed 
Soverain Lord, we have right nowe received 
letters from the Lord de Gramond, written at 
Ax the ixth day of this moneth, declaring that 
the said towne of Saint Sever hath appointed 
with the said Erl to be Frenissh on lesse than 
they be reskued within a moneth. Please hit 
furthermore your Highnesse to knowe that Sir 
Robert Clyfton, Knight, late your conestable of 
your castel of Burd', is to God passed the 
iij day of this moneth ; so hit is right expe- 
dient for your wele in hasty tyme to purveye an 
other soufhsant officer in that behalve. Most 
Christian, &c. Written at Burd', the xviij day 

of October. 

« 

Roos R. 
T. B. 



1442. 53 



COPY OF THE SCHEDULE. 

[French.] 

First, before our coming hither, the town of 
Clairac. Item, since our coming the town of 
Toninges of the Sire de Caumont. The towns 
of Foylet, De Gountaut, De Saint Barthilmewe, 
and Caumont. Item, the town of " Tonnyngs 
du Baron." Item, the towns and castles of 
Marmaude de Saint Basille. Of Couturez and 
Marceriz. Of Millan. Of Malvesin. The 
town of le Rieul, and at present the siege before 
the castle. The town of Langon on the river 
Garonne. Losseun. Tombabut. The Castle 
of Aymet. Le Sanuetat de Belver. The Castles 
of Clermont, Monela, Monteseurt, Sursac, Cur- 
sonne, Bonnegille, Masduran, Tewbount, 
" S r Durdoine on Pres." 

October XVIII. Thursday. 

XIX. XX. XXI. Friday, Saturday, Sunday ; 
to day the ships arrived. 

XXII. Monday, Mr. J. Tregoran to dinner, 
who brought letters from England. In the even- 
ing Edward Hull arrived ; the doctor of the 
Archbishop of Bourdeaux ; and the regent's ser- 



54 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

vant also brought letters, with the following one 
from the king : 



TO OUR RIGHT, &C. ROBERT ROOS, KNIGHT, &C. AND 
M. T. B. OUR SECRETAIRE. 

The King's letter Right trusty &c. we grete you 

consolatory to his ° J ° J 

Ambassadors. hertly wel and late you wete that 

we have received your letters, by the which we 
have understande to oure grete displeasire the 
grete enterprises that our adversary of Fraunce 
doeth dayly upon our duchie of Guienne and 
subgetts of the same. And also hit hath be 
further reported unto us of the grete diligences, 
discrete labours, and demeneng that ye do at al 
tymes aboute the surete of our cite of Burdeaux, 
and the continuancis of true obeissaunce unto us 
wards of our subgetts therin ; wherof we can 
you right good and special thanke, and praye 
you and netheles charge you of good perseve- 
raunce in the same. Lating you wete that we 
have appointed our cousin of Somerset and 
with hym a right noble puissaunce of men of 
werre to pass into our said duche ; which 
with Godds mercy shal be there in al possible 
haste, for the resistence of our said adversaire, 
and unto grete comfort, consolacion, and defense 
of you, and of al our true subgetts in thos par- 



55 

ties ; wherupon we write at this tyme our 
letters consolatory unto th'inhabitants of our 
said cite, as ye may understande by a copy of the 
same letters which we sende unto you heren- 
closed. Wherefore we wool and charge you, 
that in al that ye can or may, ye comforte our 
said subgetts, exhorting and sturing theym to 
continue their true leigeaunce unto us wards, as 
they have truly doon of tyme that noon mynde 
is, unto their perpetuel honour and rennoune. 
Yeven, &e. at Windsor, the xxi day of Sep- 
tember. 

COPY OF THE SCHEDULE ENCLOSED. 

copy of the letter Very dear and well-beloved, we 

of comfort, sent to ^ 

the commons of have well known and have truly 

Bourdeaux, by the ^ 

King.- [French.] ascertained as well by letters and 
messages as esspecially by the very reverend 
father in God, our beloved and faithful coun- 
sellor the Archbishop of Bordeaux, the great 
hardships, evils, and oppression, losses, and da- 
mage which you have already suffered for some 
time, and have still to suffer and support on ac- 
count of the continual war which our adver- 
sary, Charles de Valois, carries on, on the 
other side with a military force \ % and also 
the true obedience, love, union, and concord, in 

i " A puissance de gens de guerre." 



56 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

which, to preserve your loyalty towards us, you 
have always conducted and maintained your- 
selves, together with the people and officers 
whom we have sent over, very patiently await- 
ing succour and aid from us, which you have 
humbly caused to be requested and beseeched 
of us. And because, very dear and well-beloved, 
we sustain your wrongs, evils, and oppressions 
with great bitterness of heart, grief, and com- 
passion, and because on no account will we 
suffer the property, 1 which has belonged to us 
for so long a time, and which our predecessors 
so dearly loved and so carefully kept, thus to go 
to perdition, as we know that it would go very 
soon, unless great remedy and powerful succour 
were afforded it : We, with the pleasure of our 
blessed Creator, to whom be praise for all that 
it pleases him to do and permit, considering the 
magnitude, urgency, and necessity of the affair, 
have assembled and summoned such a sufficient 
and great aid and succour, which shall be com- 
manded by a powerful and distinguished prince 
of our blood and lineage, that greater succour 
has never been granted at any time within re- 
collection, which succour shall be sent over in 
all possible haste, without fail. So we pray and 
require you that, as you have always been good 

1 « Chose." 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 57 

and loyal towards us, you still continue in vir- 
tuous patience awaiting the said aid and succour. 
And by the pleasure of our blessed Creator, 
without forgetting them, we will acknowledge 
the great loyalty and very commendable pa- 
tience of you and of all our other loyal subjects 
in the marches on the other side, in all affairs 
whether common or individual. To which other 
loyal subjects we will that you signify the con- 
tents of these presents, exhorting them, on our 
part, always to continue in their said loyalty, in 
which you and they have so long persevered, 
that there is no recollection of the contrary ; 
and we entertain no doubt that you will do this 
effectually. 

October XXIII. Tuesday, at home to dinner ; 
his lordship the regent there, and E. Hull with 
two servants. To supper in the castle with 
E. Hull, who was lodging in the chamber of 
Chipnam, clerk of the castle. To day Thomas 
de Regula came with letters. 

XXIV. XXV. Wednesday and Thursday, at 
home ; Flexemer there. To day E. Hull de- 
livered the following royal letter : 



58 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 



BY THE KING. 

TO OUR RIGHT, &c. RO. ROOS, &c, AND T. B. AND TO 
EITHER OF THEYM. 

J he K i n f l l £l er ' Right trusty and welbeloved, 

forwarded by Edw. o j j 

huii, Esq. to the we grete you wel, latino you wete 

other Ambassadors. ° J ° J 

that as wel by your letters ye 
have late sent unto us, as by the reporte of our 
welbeloved servaunt John Pury, we have wel 
understande the good and effectuel diligence 
that ye have doon in your voiage for the good 
and hasty expedicion of the charge by us com- 
mitted unto you, wherof we be right wel pleased 
and can you right good and special thanke ; and 
signifie unto you, more overe, that lyke as we 
were advised to sende soon after you out e 
trusty, &c. squier for our body, Edward Hull, 
we sende hym now unto you, desiring therefore 
that as soon as hit shall be semed unto you 
and hym to be doon we have woord from 
you, as therof he can reporte to you more 
largly ; wherin ye shall do unto us good and 
singulier pleasir. Yeven, &c. at Windesore, the 
xx day of Juiel. 

October XXVI. Friday, at home ; his lord- 
ship the regent, Edward Hull, and his servants 
and my lord's the secretary's, and the men of the 
English ships, the Capitowe, his son, Bernard 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 59 

Monferant, Louis Despoir, Sir Guilamtin, and 
about one thousand persons from Bourdeaux 
and other parts of the country, with four hun- 
dred from the English ships, went out as far as 
the town of St. Lupe, where the French were 
scouring the country on horse and foot; and 
were compelled by his lordship the regent 
and his company to retreat. For several days 
after the women of the country continued to 
capture the French, and deliver them up pri- 
soners. 

October XXVII. XXVIII. Saturday and 
Sunday. 

XXIX. XXX. Monday, Tuesday : afternoon, 

his lordship was in the Dean of St. Andrew's 

house amongst the lords of the council : the 

adversaries' gun was broken to-day at Rieul. 

XXXI. Wednesday, amongst the lords of 

the council, at the said dean's house. 

November I. Thursday, at home to dinner ; 

Mr. I. Tregerant and Rokley there. 

II. III. Friday and Saturday, the same. 

To-day came Bulkley and others; and letters 

were sent to the Count of Armagnac and Mr. 

J. Batute, as follow : — 



60 journal of beckington, 

to my very honoured lord,, the count 
d'armagnac. 

Letter of the Knight jyjy very h 0n0 ured Lord, I 

Ambassador to the " J 

count of Armag- recommend myself to your good 

, nac, by the artist of J J ° 

the aforesaid art. i- favour ; and may it please you to 

[French.] J r J 

know that Edward Hull is come 
from England, the which Edward has brought 
with him an artist to take the likenesses/ as I 
believe M. J. de Batute has fully explained to 
you. Which artist 3 I now send you ; and I 
humbly pray that it may please your good lord- 
ship to cause the business and the return of the 
said artist to be expedited, considering the long 
stay and sojourn that we have made here, with- 
out having sent anything to our master, con- 
cerning this affair. For if he has no news from 
us in this month, which is now arrived, I doubt 
not that he will be displeased, notwithstanding 
it would be no fault of ours. Be pleased to know 
also that we have written more fully on this sub- 
ject to the said Mr, John, to whom be pleased 
.to give faith and credence; and to deem this 
artist 3 recommended to your good lordship, 

1 " Operatorem operis prelocute," 

2 " Le quele Edward a amene une overir avec lui pour faire 
les figures." 

3 " Overir," or " overeur." 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 61 

whom I pray God to keep as your noble heart 

desires. Written at Bourdeaux, the iij day of 

November. 

Roos. R. 

TO OUR VERY DEAR AND GOOD FRIEND, M. J. DE 
BATUTE. 

theCounH?A? Trusty and worthy Sir; By 

magnac sent by the same means which you em- 

the skilful artist in * 

painting, for the ployed in conveying your letters, 

three pictures. 1— r J J ° J 

[Latin.] we sent you, some time ago, a 

letter for the duke, containing likewise those bear- 
ing date the xiij of October ; in which amongst 
other things we have said, that since there was 
no possibility of going up safely, we had thought 
it better in order to shorten the business, that 
the three pictures or likenesses 2 should be sent 
hither with airspeed; and that we earnestly 
wished they were now here in our hands, as 
there are persons who could convey them to 
their destination without delay. In order to 
ensure your attention to their instant trans- 
mission, we send you these letters by a man 
who is very able in these kind of performances; 3 
and we entreat that you would provide him 
with opportunities from time to time of working 

1 " Littera Ambass' ad consilium Comitis Ar' ci miss' per 
scientiflcum operatorem in pictura pro tribus yrnaginibus." 

2 " Picturas seu similitudines." 

3 " Virum quidem in hoc genere satis -instructum." 



62 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

at the pictures, that he may be able to despatch 
them without delay, and return. It has also 
seemed desirable to us that you and some other, 
as your lord may determine, furnished with full 
power and instructions to act in the matter, 
should come down to this place as quickly as 
may be, or to some other intermediate place, 
secure alike to all. In our opinion, a fitter 
place cannot be chosen than the town of Mount 
Secure, only three leagues from Marmaud, 
and which is recommended by its vicinity to 
your part of the country, as well as by the 
abundance of its provisions, and the security of 
its position. And that the business may be 
the more efficaciously and maturely accom- 
plished, we have desired you to be instructed 
upon the dowry ; the paraphernalia or female 
ornaments, commonly called " le chambre ;" the 
place to which she ought to be conducted at 
the charge and expense of his lordship ; with the 
homage, &c. And it will further be very expe- 
dient that you should bring with you a herald 
or a pursuivant at arms, who may speedily 
consult his lordship, and return if any doubt 
should arise in the proceedings. To conclude, 
be particularly careful that the messenger here- 
with dispatched may be speedily sent back. 
Farewell. Written on the iij of November. 
It will perhaps give you satisfaction to know 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 63 

that our colleague, Edward Hull, is arrived, and 
that all things are ready on our part. He is 
much astonished at our long and fruitless stay 
in this place, the tediousness and expense of 
which you may well imagine. On this account 
we trust you will use all diligence for the speedy 
consummation of the matter, otherwise you 
must in justice excuse our departure from this 
place, lest we should incur blame in other 
quarters, for protracting our stay longer than was 
proper or necessary, if our labours should be 
fruitless. It is now nearly half a year since the 
commencement of our embassy. We all three 
desire you to make our recommendation to our 
Lord. Sept. as above. 

Roos. R. 

T. B. 

E. Hull. 

Hans, the artist, bearer of these letters, with 
a pastoral staff. 1 

November IV. Sunday, at home : in the 
council at the castle, where the lords, and barons, 
and others, granted certain men at arms with 
archers for the defence and succour of the castle 
of Rieul. 

V. Monday, in the morning, news came from 

1 Hans le overor' lator l'rar' Baculo pastorali. 



64 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

St. Machary, that yesterday evening the men 
of the town of Machary took three vessels laden 
with xx pipes of bread, and vij men in them, of 
whom iij were slain. They were coming from 
Agen, with the intention to go up to the French 
at Rieul. To-day, the second letter of Mr. J. 
de Batute was received. 

TO THE NOBLE AND WORTHY LORDS, SIR R. ROOS, 
AND TH. BEKYNTON, DOCTOR OF LAWS, HIS MA- 
JESTY'S SECRETARY, MY HONORED LORDS, &C. 

Noble and worthy Sirs, [word for word as in 
the first, received on the xith of October, with 
the following termination J : — 

Duplicate letter of jyj y i or( } s I have sent you other 

the cnanc of the J J 

Lord Armagnac— letters of the same tenor and 

[Latin.] 

purpose, but having had no reply 
to them, I send you the present letter. I be- 
seech you to write to me of your intention 
on all these points ; and if you have any other 
commands, be so good as to make them known 
to me. Do not be surprised at the date of these 
letters, as they have been carried half way, and 
then brought back again, &c, from the difficulty 
of finding bearers. Yours, as above 

Archdeacon. 

November VI. Tuesday, to dinner with his 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 65 

lordship the regent. To-day there was a great 
contention between his lordship the regent and 
the dean of St. Andrews. 

November VII. Wednesday, at home. To 
dinner, his lordship the regent, and Hervy, a 
vintner of London, who brought a letter from 
Mr. Richard Taunton. 

VIII. Thursday, D. de Conak here with 
Rokley, and the master and purser 1 of the ship, 
called the " Chirchisship." 

IX. Friday, Mr. Tregoran here. 

X Saturday, at home. About nine, his lord- 
ship the regent, and Hull, with about CCC men 
at arms, and as many archers, went out towards 
Langon. 

XL Sunday, the master of the ship called 
" N. of Toure" here, who arrived about ten 
before noon. 

XII. Monday, to dinner with Mr. Stephen 
de Brosses. To-day the town of Langon was 
destroyed, and my lord sent a letter to his lord- 
ship the regent, and Hull, especially about this 
verse, " Pacem tract abant, et fraudes intus ara- 
bant" — they treated of peace, but inwardly cul- 
tivated deceit. 

XIII. Tuesday, Chipman here, to dinner and 
supper. 

XIV. XV. Wednesday, Thursday, Stephen 
de Brossis, and John de Pont here. Letters 

1 " Bursarius." 



66 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON^ 

were also received from Rieul, concerning the 
death of J. Poyntour. 

November XVI. XVII. Friday, Saturday, his 
lordship and Mr. Stephen de Brossis sailed in 
the forenoon amidst all the ships, and directed 
the master of each, and others in the castle, to 
appear before them at one in the afternoon. 
When the hour arrived, they made their ap- 
pearance, ij or iij excepted. His lordship con- 
ferred patiently with them as to sending up men. 
The following night, accordingly, at one iij small 
ships went up full of armed men. 

XVIII. Sunday, the butler * of the Bishop of 
Exeter here. 

XIX. Monday, at home. After the depar- 
ture of his lordship the regent, my lord alter- 
nately wrote to the regent and Hull, stating 
various reasons why they should not delay going 
up. To-day the letters of the Count of Armagnac 
and of Mr. Batute were received. 

TO MY VERY DEARr AND GREAT FRIEND, MONS*' 
R. ROOS. 

Letter of the count y erv dear an d g rea t friend, 

to the knight am- * ° ' 

bassador. [French.] please to know that I have seen 
certain letters which you wrote some time ago, 
and sent to my beloved and faithful counsellor 
Mess r * J. de Batute, licentiate in law, canon and 
archdeacon of the church of Rodes. I have 

1 Pincerna, 



1442. 67 

also perceived, by the contents of your said 
letters, the good will and affection which you 
entertain for the success and continuance of 
the business, and for its accomplishment, for 
which I most sincerely, heartily, and truly 
thank you. Praying, very dear and great friend, 
that you will continue your good will and affec- 
tion, and furthermore give faith and entire cre- 
dence to what my said counsellor now writes to 
you by my command. I likewise assure you of 
the entire good will and intention that I enter- 
tain respecting the said business and its accom- 
plishment. Very dear and great friend, may 
our Lord have you in his holy keeping. Written 
at Auxerre, the vijth of November. 

The Count D'Armagnac, John. 

This letter his lordship sent to the lord re- 
gent, together with the following letter, by John 
Trevenaunt, the lord regent and Hull being at 
St. Machary. 

TO THE HONOURABLE AND WORSHIPFUL SIR R. ROOS, 
KNIGHT, AND THOMAS BEKYNTON, MY MOST EX- 
CELLENT LORDS, 

ofX°chanceiio e r tt for Honorable and worthy Sirs, 
the ^u-anTactions, my most excellent Lords, with 
"Lt/cutfn.7 my humble and dutiful commen- 
dations. I received your letter, written at 



! 



68 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTOtf, 

Bourdeaux the xiijth of October by the bearer of 
the present letter, on the last day but one of the 
same month ; and had great pleasure to learn 
from it that you enjoy good health. The full- 
ness of my heart, and the affection with which 
I regard the matter referred to, together with 
the many careful and anxious provisions made 
by my illustrious lord for the safety of your 
journey in visiting him, would, if time permitted* 
give me many things to say to you. But for 
the present I will only intimate that my lord, 
who has always had this matter at heart, is at 
the present time more especially earnest in it, 
and can allow nothing to divert him from his 
purpose. He is every day more affected towards 
it ; and if it had been possible, would long ago 
have convinced you in the way which you de- 
sire, by sending envoys 1 expressly for your 
journey. But the adverse state of the times 
has hitherto prevented him from adopting this 
step. There is little confidence in the country 
at this day between man and man, (the more 
the pity), and my lord is as unwilling to permit 
any injury to happen to your excellent per- 
sonages, as to his own. He is exceedingly 
grieved, yea, above measure, at these ob- 
stacles. But he does not, and will never, relax 

1 Nuncios. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 69 

his exertions till he shall procure you a safe 
and assured mode of coming, when his joy will 
be the greater in proportion to his present vexa- 
tions ; like the apostle, who says, * When I am 
weak, then am I strong/ If, however, it ap- 
pears expedient to your reverences, that his 
lordship should send any special persons of his 
to communicate with you upon your orders, he 
is ready to proceed in these respects as you may 
determine. I entreat you, therefore, that you 
will write back to me on these points as soon as 
possible, and not conceive a suspicion that we 
are hindered by that man, Leomagne. If hitherto 
he has in some respects interfered in the matter, 
we assure you that he will not venture to cross 
our purpose, as you well know. I beseech you, 
therefore, to bear with us a little while, and do 
not despair of a happy issue to this arduous 
business, after the courage and manliness with 
which you have laboured in it. I trust in the 
Lord that the road will soon be mutually open 
between us both; the obstacles have already 
begun to diminish, and would have diminished 
more, if the north had blown as it ought to 
have done, and as we thought it would. God 
grant that it may blow prosperously, that we 
may be able to hasten a matter which we so 
much desire. My lord also returns you his ac- 



70 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

knowledgments for your constancy and affection 
in the business ; and entreats you from his heart 
to persevere with your wonted diligence., pro- 
ceeding, if possible, from good to better. The 
time and expense which you have bestowed m 
so high and happy an undertaking, will be re 
compensed by God himself. I had news this 
evening from Masters William Tirell, N. Huse, 
and William Ettoing, your servants, who by the 
grace of God are well in the castle, &c. May 
God by his grace preserve and defend them 
from all evil and mischief, and send them back 
to you with joy. I am sorry that Huse, who 
was secure in the embassy, &c. went thither. 
If, however, you think that my lord ought to 
become the mediator of any peace or truce, and 
you will write back to him on the subject, I am 
certain it would succeed, and bring about the 
desired result. By this means, besides the many 
other advantages which would ensue, our wishes 
would be accomplished; and many evils avoided 
which are proceeding from our present state. If 
you should have hereafter any news touching 
ourselves, or upon other matters which you can 
communicate, I pray you to write to me upon 
it, and whatever may be your wish, shall be 
fulfilled to the utmost of our power. May the 
most high disposer of events keep and direct 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 71 

you in all happiness and prosperity. Written 
from Auxerre, the viijth November, 1442. 
Your servant, as accustomed, 

Jo. Archd. with my own hand. 

November XX. Tuesday, his lordship sent 
his chaplain, D. Trevenaunt, with the letter of 
the Count of Armagnac immediately preceding, 
and with a copy of the letter of Mr. J. de Batute, 
to the lord regent and Hull, at St. Machary, to 
have his servants outside the castle of Rieul. 

XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. Wednesday, 
Thursday, Friday, Saturday, at home. His lord- 
ship the regent returned home in the evening 
from St. Machary. 

XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. Sun- 
day, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, 
at home. To-day their lordships were in council 
at two in the afternoon. 

XXX. Friday forenoon, his lordship was at 
the church of St. Andrew amongst the lords of 
the council. Early this morning, the Lord de 
Conak went out with CCC. men towards St. 
Faith. 

December I. II. Saturday, and Sunday; the 
seneschal of the lord the Capitowe was buried 
at the Carmelites, and his lordship was there at 
mass. To day arrived iiij ships from Hull. 

III. IV. Monday, Tuesday ; after dinner his 



72 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

lordship rode to the Bishop of Basatense, and 
the Lord de Conak with him. The Lord de 
Conak and Rokley were also with him to supper. 
To day consolatory letters were sent to Rieul. 

December V. VI. Wednesday, Thursday, 
at home. News came from the Archbishop of 
Bourdeaux; and in the evening he arrived. 

VII. Friday, the castle of Rieul was sur- 
rendered; and the town of Mount Secure. 

VIII. Saturday. To-day G. Swillington came 
home from the castle of Rieul, and the rest of 
the lord regent's and my lord's companions, ex- 
cept John Payntor, who was killed by a cul- 
verin. 

IX. Sunday afternoon, my lord visited the 
ship, called " le Heleyne," of London. 

X. Monday, the lord regent, Hull, Rokley, 
Savage and others, were with my lord to supper. 

XI. Tuesday, the Lord de Conak with my 
lord to dinner. In the middle of dinner the 
Lord de Conak arose, and took leave to ride 
towards Conak. T. Mortimer was with him, 
and yj horses of my lord's. The castle, " en Dort," 
was lost. 

i XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. Wednesday, 
Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, to dinner 
with Bernard Angevyn. To day letters were 
received from the Count of Armagnac and from 
Mr. J. de Batute, as follows :— 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442 73 



TO MY VERY DEAR AND GREAT FRIEND, MESS R> 
R. ROOS. 



Letter of the count Very dear and great friend, 

of Armagnac to the ^ 

knight ambassador, please to knOW that I have re- 
certifying [the arri- A 

vai of the portrait ceived your letter, and have duly 

painter.i [French.] . 

considered and understood its 
contents. The artist/ concerning whom you 
wrote to me, is arrived, and I have seen him. 
He is every day diligently employed on the 
work for which he came ; and as soon as he 
has finished it, he shall return to you. 
I have also seen the letter which you 
wrote to my counsellor, Messr. J. de Batute, 
and by my command he now writes and answers 
the whole. So I pray you, very dear and great 
friend, that you will give as entire faith and 
credence to what he writes, as you would to 
myself. Very dear and great friend, our Lord 
have you in his holy keeping. Written at 
Auxerre, the xxijnd day of November. 

The Count D'Armagnac, John. 



1 " Operatoris picture." 2 Overir. 



74 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

TO THE HONOURABLE AND WORSHIPFUL SIR R. ROOS, 
KNIGHT, THOMAS DE BECKINGTON, E. HULL, THE 
SECRETARY AND ESQUIRE OF THE KING, MY MOST 
EXCELLENT LORDS, 

Letter of the chan- jyj y honourable, worshipful, 

cellor to the am- J , „* 

bassador, both about anc [ most excellent Lords, my 

the arrival of the ^ 

portrait painter, 1 humble and dutiful commenda- 

upon proposing a 

truce through his tion remembered. By the bearer 

lord, and an ex- 

cuse for the delay of the present letter and M. 

in the business. . 

[Latin.] Hansa, I have received your two 

letters the first written at Bourdeaux on the xijth 
of October, and the second on the iijrd day of 
the present month, November, which you sent 
to my lord and me, accompanied by a pastoral 
staff. 2 They gave us both great joy, to find that 
your zeal and affection in the matters referred 
to were unchanged. The same feelings are 
entertained by his lordship, and indeed increase 
every day. Accordingly, as soon as Hansa had 
arrived, which he did safely, by the grace of 
God, he diligently applied himself to the object 
for which he came, namely the three pictures or 
likenesses ; 3 and such have been his zeal and 
assiduity in the work, that with the help of God 
we hope quickly to return him to you. Within 
four days, or little more, the first of the three 
portraits will be upon the canvas/ and the rest 

1 " Operatoris pictur'." 3 " Ymagines et picturas." 

2 " Baculo pastorali." 4 " Linthes impresserit." 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 75 

he will despatch still more quickly, as he will 
have the whole of the materials ready provided. 
To the utmost of my power I will urge him to 
expedition, that we may the sooner arrive at the 
happy and desired consummation of our labours. 
With regard, however, to your proposal, of send- 
ing persons on the part of my lord to confer with 
you on our proceedings, &c. you write that my 
lord thought, and still thinks, that the business 
does not stand in need of further expediting, 
especially when you consider the intimation which 
I lately made in my letter, that my lord would 
become the medium of effecting any peace or 
truce, so that every thing might be accomplished 
with the greater certainty and expedition, and 
we might mutually have a free passage to one 
another. I am sure that if you make known to 
my lord your wishes on this point, he would 
make an effectual interference, such as the case 
might demand. We are confident he would 
willingly exert himself on the point with the 
other party. Speaking with respect, I certainly 
do not see, M. Hull, why you should wonder at 
the long delay and tarrying of my lord, if you 
duly consider the great and numerous obstacles 
which, without any fault of our own, have im- 
peded both my lord and ourselves. Before God 
and men we all stand accused; and we appeal 
on this point to your judgment, on the ground 



76 JOURNAL OP BECRINGTON, 

of our known good faith. We are not wanting, 
nor have ever been, in zeal for the conclu- 
sion of the matter, as by God's assistance shall 
soon be manifested in facts. I entreat you, 
therefore, my lords, to take the matters referred 
to into your speedy consideration, and to write 
back your pleasure upon them ; after which, 
the persons whom my lord designs to send to 
you, may come the better informed, and with 
the greater security. In my opinion you ought 
to consent to such a truce as I have before more 
fully described, for many reasons which I will 
not now explain, but which cannot but be ob- 
vious to prudent persons like yourselves. I 
commend myself to Mr. William Tirel, William 
Austin, and others of you, praying God that he 
would deign to preserve those who are in the 
castle, &c. from dangers and mischiefs, and grant 
them a happy return ; also that he would deign 
to direct your proceedings according to your 
desires. Given from Auxerre the xxijnd of 
November, 1442. 

Your servant, as accustomed, 

Archdeacon. 



COPY OF A NOTE ENCLOSED. 

[Latin.] 

Mons r Roos, I beseech you, by the love of 
God, to receive our commendations for our 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VL A°. 1442. 77 

poor captives, and the bearers of the present 
letters. 



December XVII. XVIII. XIX. Monday, 
Tuesday, Wednesday, to dinner with the lord 
regent. 

XX. XXI. Thursday, Friday, the festival of 
St. Thomas : at home. To dinner, the lord re- 
gent, E. Hull, T. Swillington, Tirel, Savage. 

XXII. Saturday, at home, Bernard de Garos 
with his lordship. To day were sent the follow- 
ing letters to the Count of Armagnac and Mr. 
Batute. 

to my very honoured lord, the count 
d'armagnac. 

Letter of reply from jyfly very hoilOUred Lord, I re- 

the Knight Ambas- ' ' 7 

sador to the Count, commend myself humbly to your 

with recommenda- * . 

tion of attention to good lordship: and may it please you 

the letter addressed ° L J \ J 

to his chancellor, i-o know that on the xvi th dav of 

[French.] L . _ 

December, I received your letters 
written the xxijnd day of November, mentioning 
the artist sent to you, and who, as it appears 
by your letters, is employed in finishing the work 
for which he was sent to your lordship, and 
which my companions and myself, considering 
his long stay, think ought long since to have 
been executed and forwarded to us and my lord. 
If he has not yet set out on his return, may 



78 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

it please you to cause him to be expedited and 
safely sent hither as speedily as possible. 
Also,, may it please your good lordship to 
learn that my companions and myself are now 
writing to M. John de Batute concerning the bu- 
siness of which you are aware ; and we pray that 
you will give faith and credence to all that he 
shall report of what we have written. And if 
there is any thing which it may please your 
good lordship to command me in these parts, I 
will employ myself in it to the utmost of my 
power with the assistance of our Lord God, 
whom I pray to grant you a good life and long. 
Written the xxijnd day of December. 



TO THE EXCELLENT AND TRUSTY MR. J. DE 
BATUTE. 

Letter of reply Excellent and trusty Sir, 

from the Ambassa- * 

dor to the chancellor after our inmost commendations. 

of the Count about 

the delay of the ar- Your letter, written the xxijnd of 

tist, and the form 

of a truce. [Latin.] November, at Auxerre (whither 
we sent our's with a pastoral staff) was received 
here to our no small comfort, on the xvjth of 
December. It gave us great joy to find that 
your lord's desire in the business at issue not 
only stands immoveable, but as you write, in- 
creases daily ; and we hope that as it has 
hitherto done, so it will always continue to do. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 79 

With the same feelings we learned that Hans 
had safely arrived, and when you wrote had 
nearly finished his task. From the description 
which you give in your letters of his progress, 
we had hoped that by using the despatch which 
he evidently ought and could have done, he 
would already have finished every thing, and 
returned hither. However, we thank you for 
the earnest and hearty zeal which you have 
daily manifested in this, as in all other points 
relating to the present business ; and we have 
no doubt that you will one day receive from 
other quarters far greater thanks for your desert 
than we can bestow. At the same time we do 
most earnestly entreat you, that if Hans is not 
already on his way back to us, he may be 
speedily and safely sent, for considering the 
present posture of affairs, we have no hope but 
in seeking a certain medicine for the dis- 
order, without which the business which is so 
near our hearts cannot be brought to a success- 
ful issue, but by which we hope that it will 
speedily be the case. We cannot think it right 
that your lord should put himself very forward 
in the making of truces, for besides other reasons 
which we have elsewhere partly explained, it is 
a sufficient objection that it would injure the 
present business, and make himself still more 
an object of suspicion. Besides there is a certain 



80 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

great man in the adverse party,, who is said to 
rule every thing, and who has many times 
openly protested against this very affair. 
Tirel, Austin, and all the rest who were 
blocked up, but have returned without dis- 
honour, in health and safety, recommend them- 
selves to you. We beseech you to make known 
our commendations to your lord, and to receive 
our good wishes for your happiness. From this 
place, the xxijnd of December. 

Roos. R. 

T. B. 

E. Hull. 

December XXIII. XXIV. XXV. Sunday, 
Monday, Tuesday, the festival of the Nativity 
of our Lord. At home, the provincial of the 
Carmelites, and the prior of Marmaud, with his 
lordship. To supper, T. Skotte.. 

XXVI. Wednesday. 

XXVII. Thursday, to dinner with the pro- 
vost of St. Severinus. To supper at home, 
D. D. Selby there. 

XXVIII. XXIX. Friday, Saturday, at home, 
the bailiff of Sparre with his lordship. 

- XXX. Sunday, Strangwys, to dinner; N.Elysr 
and his other iij servants with him, and father 
Hugh,, called John Forster. In the evening, Etyn* 



14 1 2. 81 

Robert Savage, and Robert a servant of the 
lord regent's, brought " waiffers" and apples. 

December XXXI. Monday, his lordship and 
E. Hull went before noon to St. Andrew, to his 
lordship the archbishop. At home to dinner. 
His lordship supped with Hull, and after supper 
they went to the lord regent, and there they 
saw " le Revell." 

TO THE HONORABLE AND TRUSTY, MR. J, DE 
BATUTE. 

batadof to A t£ Honourable and trusty Sir, 

chancellor of Ar- After our hearty recommenda- 

magnac, to urge his J 

Lordship to remain tions ; your letters, written on the 

in his original pur- * 

pose, and returning viiith of November, we received 

thanks for his dili- 
gence.— [Latin.] here on the xxviijth of the same 

month. Their contents gave us great joy, as 
we learn from them that your lord maintains a 
fixed and unalterable disposition to the business, 
and from which nothing can divert him. We sin- 
cerely hope, for his own fame and honour, that 
he will persevere in the same feelings. On the 
other hand, you may assuredly reckon on our 
being heartily affected to the cause according 
to our instructions ; and being more deeply de- 
sirous, if possible, than ever, that every thing 
which yet remains to be done may be speedily 
concluded. But as we plainly see, and are con- 
firmed in this by your letters,, that it is neces- 



82 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

sary in the first place to provide as quickly and 
effectively as possible for the general security, 
we are now preparing to go back to our own 
country, from which, with God's assistance we 
expect to return, with a medicine of such kind 
as will accelerate the business. In the mean 
time, therefore, act with constancy, and wait the 
result with patience. You must be well aware 
that far greater thanks than you have yet re- 
ceived, are due to you for your meritorious con- 
duct. We are in daily expectation here of the 
return of the artist whom we sent, and desire 
most earnestly to receive the likenesses which 
he will bring, that we may carry them with us, 
and so all things be speedily concluded. Fare- 
well : commend us to your lord. Written the 
last day of December but one. 

Roos. R. 

T. B. 

E. Hull. 

January I. Tuesday, to dinner at home ; 
Hull, B. de Garos, and his lordship the provin- 
cial with his lordship. To supper, the bailiff de 
Sparre. To day the lord regent gave my lord 

for his new-year's-gift. And Hull 

gave him ij small pots of green " Z Z." My lord 
gave them each a scarlet hat. Bernard de Garos 
gave my lord pimento and " wafFers." The lady 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. Ao. 1442. 83 

of the inn gave " lemogV' fixed in a rod of 
€t lorey," with a little book in the middle ;* and 
the wife of Richard Gebbis gave apples, &c. 

January II. III. Wednesday, Thursday, at 
home. To dinner the Bishop of Bassat, the 
Lord de Rosan, I. de Pont, Hayward, and Savage. 
In the evening the constable's servants. 

IV. V. Friday and Saturday, at home. To 
day all things were brought to the ship, called 
" le Elyn," of London. 

VI. Sunday, to dinner with the lord the 
Capitowe, where a bow of wyndas was given to 
his lordship. To supper at home. 

VII. Monday, to dinner with the Viscount 
de Longvyle, son of the Capitowe, when another 
bow of wyndas was given to his lordship. To 
supper at home. 

VIII. Tuesday, to dinner with the comp- 
troller. The mayor of the city gave ij bows 
with ij " garoch." To supper with the lord re- 
gent ; Hull gave xij heads for quarrelles. 

IX. Wednesday, at home to dinner. To 
supper with the lord regent. To day Hull was 
elected constable of the castle of Bourdeaux, 
who gave a bow of " garoch." 

X. Thursday, at home : the lord Capitowe, 

1 Domina de Hospicio dedit lemog' fix' in una virgula de 
lorey cum libello in medio. 



84 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

the viscount his son,, and the Bishop of Basatten, 
came to take leave of my lord on his leaving 
Bourdeaux. Dined at home. After dinner my 
lord went to the lord regent, and took leave 
both of him and of Hull, and then immediately 
proceeded to the gabarre. The gabarre went 
on the river to the boat of the ship of the 
" Gabriell of Hull/' where the master of the 
ship and xviij mariners received my lord, rowing 
in the best manner. In the evening they ar- 
rived at the ship, called " le Elyn," opposite the 
town of " nostre Dame," where the master of 
the ship and the mariners of Hull, received 
twenty shillings of my lord for their pay, and 
returned to Bourdeaux, Thomas Est remained 
in the gabarre with my lord's baggage all night 
opposite Bloy. 

January XI. Friday, his lordship heard mass 
in a chapel of St. Stephen, and then went to the 
town of Nostre Dame, where he dined. T. 
Est in the gabarre came with the luggage to the 
ship, whither his lordship returned after dinner. 
To day the master of " le Trinite," of London, 
was elected admiral. 1 

XII. Saturday, in the ship ; the Lord de 
Conak with his lordship. 

XIII. XIV. Sunday, Monday, in the ship : 

1 Electus fuit in admirallum. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 85 

after dinner George Swillington, Tirel, and 
Eston, came to the ship to my lord, and re- 
turned to Bourdeaux. 

January XV. Tuesday morning the ships 
were removed to Riaunt roads. 

XVI. XVII. Wednesday, in Riaunt roads. 
On Thursday morning they made sail, and got 
out to sea, 

XVIII. Friday, at sea. In the evening they 
anchored opposite Penmark. 

XIX. Saturday, under sail. About noon 
they entered " le Raas," and in the evening they 
began to enter into Crowdon roads, where xj 
ships of Flanders were lying, and v of Hol- 
land ; and ix escaped, 1 which, it is said, belonged 
to Brittany. 

XX. Sunday, in the same roads. In the 
morning their lordships landed with their ser- 
vants, and went to the church of Crowdon, 
where they heard masses. Afterwards my lord 
ate oysters in Crowdon. To dinner in the 
ship, Mr. Tregoran the admiral, and the other 
masters of ships, with his lordship. In the after- 
noon an Inquisition was held upon a ship found 
there, as follows : 

On Sonday the xx day of Januer, in the 
rode before Crowdon, at after mete an Inquisi- 

1 Fugert. 




86 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

tion was made in the forme that foloweth, for 
certain merchandisses that men seid the hulks 
of Flaundres and of Holande sholde have had 
within theym of Frensshmen goods, Spaniards, 
and of other rebells unto the King, our Soverain 
Lord. First, th'admirall of the foresaid hulks 
was warned by M. Tregoran, in presence 
of two notaries, as also of other witnesses, to 
come to the admiral on the name of Englande 
there being. Thanne all men drewe to the ad- 
mirall ; and there Xpen Bonishon Bruges, maister 
of the Holy Goost of Brugis, admiral of the 
hulks of Flanders, in presence of the admirall of 
English shipps and of two notaries, and other 
wittenesses there stonding togider in the fore- 
castell of the ship of the seid admiral of Eng- 
lisse nave, was sworn upon a book to seye the 
trouthe of such articles as sholde be declared 
unto him. First how many hulks or vessels were 
under his admiralte ? ; and he said x : than he 
as asked what was his name, and what was 
e name of the ship that he had governance of, 
and what were the names of all the vessells that 
were under his admiralte ? ; to the which three 
articles he ansuered as is declared herafter in a 
bille of the names of ships with pa ... . The 
xvj day of January ageinst eve the ships riding 
at ancre ageinst Riant, there went to londe, 
under truze, v men of the Julian of Fowey with 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 87 

their cokbote, there the Frenshmen tok theym 
prisoners notwithstanding the truze. Than he 
was asked of what portage his ship was of? and 
he said of xiij xx and x tonne ; than what mer- 
chaunts had lade the ship ? and therto he shewed 
his chartre party which was delivered to th'ad- 
mirall : than yf he had any goods in his vessell 
of any rebelles unto our Soveraine Lord the 
King ? and he said he had in his ship xxj tonne 
and j pipe of wyn of Lumberds, called Dominiac 
and Lusart, wherof a pipe was dronken ; and 
than he was asked yf he knewe any rebells 
goods in any of the ships which were under his 
admiralte ? and he said he could not in any wyse 
declare therof ; and than he was kept stille with 
th'admiral of th'English nave. 

In the evening my lord supped at Crowdon ; 
and David Selly, Chattok, and Huy, were with 
him. 

January XXI. Monday, there until after 
noon, and then they sailed. To day we heard 
that Arthur de Bretagne, at Temple Crantyn, 
was made councillor to the adversary of France, 
and that Giles the duke's brother was then 
there. 

XXII. Tuesday, at sea all day, betwixt 
Crowdon and the Abbey of St. Matthew. 

XXIII. XXIV. Wednesday, at sea. On 






88 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

Thursday forenoon all the ships returned to 
Crowdon. In the afternoon my lord took a 
walk in the country. To supper in the ship. 

January XXV. Friday, in the ship. In the 
afternoon my lord took a walk as far as Knolles 
tower. 

XXVI. Saturday, in the ship. Mr. Tregoran 
gave a fish called " base and le Wratbyhe, 
alias a Tenche of the see." Chattok gave a fish 
called " Pedulup," or " Wolfsfoote al' Luperins." 

XXVII. Sunday, in the ship. Mr. T. with 
his lordship. 

XXVIII. Monday, in the ship. To dinner 
the master of the ship of Dartmouth. 

XXIX. Tuesday, Edward Sheffeld, William 
Chattok, and John Huy, on board. 

XXX. XXXI. Wednesday, in the ship ; and 
Thursday there to dinner. To supper at Crow- 
don, with a merchant. 

February I. Friday, in the ship. 

II. Saturday, the purification of the blessed 
Mary. At Crowdon, to mass. In the ship to 
dinner. In the evening Mr. T. with his lord- 
ship. 

III. IV. Sunday, in the ship. On Monday, 
to dinner at Crowdon ; Selly, Tregoran, Pow- 
deram, and Stawnford with his lordship. In 
the afternoon he took a walk : in the evening in 
the ship. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 89 

February V. Tuesday, the ships remained op- 
posite Crowdon : in the afternoon they made sail. 
In the evening they rested in the Blanksable 
roads. Ushant and Bellingier 1 are large islands : 
there I heard by a Breton, who eight days ago 
was at Plymouth, that Sir W. Bonvile had been 
there with iiij M men and xxxv ships ; and the 
Breton thought that by that time the said Lord 
de Bonvile was about Bordeaux, or not far off. 

VI. Wednesday, they made sail, and about 
the xj hour we were at le Sourme. 

VII. VIII. Thursday : Friday, day and night 
under sail after the beginning of Wednesday. 
In the evening a " plover," rested upon the sail. 

IX. Saturday, at sea. In the evening we 
saw the Foreland and Mountsbay. 

X. Sunday, at noon, his lordship entered 
Falmouth, and arrived at Penryn, where he 
rested in the house of the bailiff. T. Parker re- 
mained in the ship with the luggage. 

XL Monday, to dinner at Penryn, and to 
supper at Trewren. 2 To-day B. was sent [to] 
Lord Bonvile. 

XII. Tuesday, to dinner at St. Austle. In 
the afternoon with Copston, at Lostwithiel : 
to supper at Liskeard, with the vicar. To 
day Robert Ripingal was sent to our lord the 
king. 

1 Query, Belle Isle. 2 Query, Truro. 



00 

February XIII. Wednesday, to dinner at 
Teriton : to supper at Okynton. 1 

XIV. Thursday morning, at Kirton. To 
dinner at Exeter, where Mr. N. Colles gave my 
lord a horse, and Snetesham one. To supper 
at Honiton. 

XV. Friday, to dinner at Crewkerne : to 
supper at Sherborne. To day I. Blakis returned 
with a horse given by the Lord de Bonvile. 

XVI. Saturday, to dinner at Shaftesbury ; 
to supper at Salisbury, where Ingram gave a 
horse, and Cantor one. 

XVII. Sunday, to dinner at Collingbourn ; to 
supper at Bedwind, where T. Chamberleyn 
came with the king's letters. There, " pull' 
cap' pen'," were given by the parish .... 

XVIII. Monday, to dinner at Bedwind ; to 
supper at Sutton. 

XIX. Tuesday, to dinner at Sutton ; to 
supper at Henley-upon-Thames. 

XX. Wednesday morning, at Maidenhead, 
with the king. To dinner at Eaton ; to supper 
at Colnbroke. To-day, at Maidenhead, my lord 
met M. R. Roos, from whom he had copies of 
the following letters of the Count of Armagnac 
and Mr. John de Batuz, which were received 
by M. Roos, at Bordeaux, the xiiij of Ja- 
nuary. 

1 Query, Oakhampton. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 91 

TO MY VERY DEAR AND VALUED FRIEND, MESSR. 
ROBERT ROOS. 

[French.] 

Very dear and great friend, Please to know 
that I have received your letter, informing me 
that on the xvjth day of the month of December 
last, past, you received my letters written the 
xxijnd day of November, respecting the artist 
sent to me, and who is employed in completing 
the work for which he came, but who ought, 
yourself and your companions think, considering 
his long stay, to have been expedited, and sent 
back to you. Your companions and yourself 
have also now written again to my beloved and 
faithful counsellor M. J. de B., &c. concerning 
the business which I know of, as these things 
are more fully and plainly expressed in your 
letters. Very dear and great friend, be certain, 
for I assure you that my said counsellor has 
shewn me the said letters ; and that having com- 
prehended and understood all the things contain- 
ed in them, I was very much rejoiced and consoled 
by them. I thank you and your said companions 
for the good will and affection you have for the 
success of the said business ; and assure you that 
I entertain similar and inexpressible good will 
and affection for its accomplishment. With re- 
spect to the said artist, the great severity with 



92 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

which the winter weather has set in, has, as 
you may know, created such delay in his work 
that he has not been able to proceed so fast, 
and to return to you so soon, as you expected. 
But I will use all possible diligence that his work 
shall be accomplished to the satisfaction of our 
lord : he shall very soon and shortly be with 
you, with his work concluded. My said coun- 
sellor also writes now again to you, touching my 
intention and will concerning the business afore- 
said. I pray very heartily that you will give 
faith and firm credence to the things contained 
in the letter as you would to myself in person. 
Very dear and great friend, may our lord have 
you in his keeping. Written at Lisle the iijrd 
day of January. 

The Count D'Armanaak, John. 

TO THE HONORABLE AND EXCELLENT SIR R. ROOS, 
T. B. E. HULL, THE KING'S KNIGHT, SECRETARY, 
AND ESQUIRE, &C. MY MOST EXCELLENT LORDS, 

The chancellor to jyjy honourable and most ex- 

the Ambassadors, J 

both about a recom- cellent Lords : After my humble 

mendation of their _ * 

return, and to excuse an( j dutiful commendations. By 

the artist, and to re- , 

new writing. [Latin] the bearer of this letter I received 
on the xxix day of December, your two letters 
tied together, written with your own hand and 
sealed with your own seals, the first written 
on the last day but one of November, and the 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 93 

second on the nineteeth of December Just passed. 
If as you state, it gave you pleasure to learn 
from my last letter, the constant and unalterable 
disposition of my lord to bring the business to 
a happy termination, my lord and myself have 
received still greater pleasure from your letter 
and its contents, to find that your resolution is 
unchanged, and that you are determined to per- 
severe with even greater vigour. My lord thanks 
you from his heart for continuing to entertain 
these sentiments, and entreats that you will 
persevere in them with your wonted zeal. He 
is grieved at heart that the business on which 
you came could not at present be brought to 
its desired consummation ; but be used every 
means in his power to attain it, nor has he ceased 
from them ever since my arrival. He still 
hopes, and will continue to hope for its happy 
termination, but hitherto he has been prevented 
as you well know, de facto rather than de jure. 
After all, if the ability to proceed in the matter 
as we wish, should be denied, yet still, my lord 
will always preserve an ardent disposition to- 
wards it, according to the royal pleasure ; and 
it will be right for you to make such provisions 
as will afford a facility to both parties, in which 
we will co-operate with you, as far as possible, 
unless our efforts should be resisted as they 
lately were. In this case we fear the matter 



94 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

may be longer protracted. We therefore entreat 
you to make the necessary provisions on your 
part for passing to the appointed place,, and 
with God's help we intend to do the same on 
ours. My lord anticipated what you have 
written respecting the truce ; he was sincerely 
earnest in the matter as he still is, and if he had 
obtained your consent, would, as I told you, 
have exerted himself in it with zeal ; but it has 
so happened that he has been opposed on both 
sides. I believe in the Lord, if you would 
engage in the business with proper earnestness, 
it would not be without success. But a word to 
the wise, &c. Hans has finished one of the 
three likenesses. From the severe coldness of 
the weather which has prevented his colours 
from working, he could not finish it sooner, 
though he laboured with constant diligence. He 
is beginning to proceed with the other two, 
which, with God's help, he will finish in a shorter 
time, especially if the cold should subside, and 
give him greater facilities. But on this subject 
he has more fully written to you. I am con- 
stantly urging his operations, and shall continue 
to do so, as there is nothing on earth I more 
desire than to see them completed; and as soon 
as they are, which will be shortly, he shall be 
sent back to you in safety. I will write again 
by him, on some other points respecting our affair 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 95 

which do not now occur to me. May the lord 
deign to preserve you in all happiness and pros- 
perity. From the island on the iijrd of January, 
1443. Do not be surprised that I have not 
written this time as usual with my own hand, 
for I have recovered my accustomed writer, and 
am hindered by other trifles. But when Hans 
returns, I will, with God's help, write to you 
more at large. 

Your servant, as usual, 

Jo. &c. de B. 

February XXI. Thursday, at the mansion of 
Mr. Somerset, with his wife. To dinner at 
Chiswyk with the lord chancellor. To supper 
at London, with Asherley, the mayor of London. 

XXII. Friday, in the inn at London. In the 
afternoon, at Greenwich, with his lordship the 
Duke of Gloucester. To-day my lord sent 
Robert Repinghale, my Lord of Suffolk being at 
Ewelm, and also Blakeney, to the lord treasurer, 
at his manor of Depham. 

XXIII. Saturday morning, to mass at the 
hospital of St. Katherine. To dinner with the 
said lord treasurer at the Mewes : after dinner 
with the Bishop of Norwich. To supper with 
Atherley. 

XXIV. Sunday, at London, in the inn to 
breakfast: to dinner with the lord chancellor. 



96 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

After dinner his lordship went up in a small 
vessel, with the Lord of Suffolk, to Shene. 

February XXV. Monday, to dinner at Shene, 
with the king. In the afternoon with the car- 
dinal of England, upon the king's business. To 
supper with the Bishop of Norwich. 

XXVI. Tuesday morning, his lordship rode 
to the king at Shene, with the answer of the 
Cardinal. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 97 

Hit is to be had in remembrance how that 
my lord regent, R. Roos, of the Senesca ie - of 
Guienne, and my maister Hull demeaned theym 
and their puissaunce gadered by their and my 
maister secretarie Morton of the shipmen of the 
nave and of Gascoigne of Burd' for the drive 
horn Frenisshmen which were at Saint Lopyes 
in Sucre dieux mars to the n ombre of iij M e 
and more, as hit is said. First, as on Fry day the 
xx of October after mete by th'advis of the 
said regent my maister Hull went to Loremont, 
where in a felde there he abode and taried al 
men unto the commyng of the said regent which 
laboured gretly to gete forthe the pouple. At 
his commyng th'Englisshmen mustred by theym- 
selve, the Gaiscoignes by theymselve : of English- 
men there were CCCC, of Gaiscoignes M 1 . 
After that they sent Rokly and iij wel horssed 
men with hym t'aspie. And than they folowed 
after tylthey comme nigh to the to wne of Saint 
Lopyes where the bowes were divided from 
other; and my said M. Hull had the rieul of 
theym and went on foote to grete merveille of 
many men how he might endure hit, and gou- 
verned theym in the moost notable wise. And 
whan they were approched nigh the same 
towne there comme upon theym the skoulk 
wache, and there a showte was made of St. 

H 



98 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

George d'Angleterre, and there was sleyn ij or iij 
of the saide waiche. Than they went forth to the 
firres that the Frenisshmen had made, shwotting 
continually St. George, and soe toke the feeld 
more nigh to the towne. Than the Frenissh- 
men nedde as we might see by the fierres on 
horsbak at the townesende nigh half a mylle 
from us. Than al men that had bowes drue 
thider, and there they entred the towne, which 
is called the south side of the town. And in 
the meen tyme the horsmen and men of armes 
entred in the north side. So they mette in the 
middis of the towne at a crosse stonding upon 
the chirch dykside where the standerds were 
sette and kept up al night. The beginning of 
the showting was aboute viij, and by x or ther- 
aboute hit was doon. The Frensshmen that 
skaped said, as hit is reported, they lakked moo 
than viij c men and M 1 horses. In they morown- 
eng the said regent and M' Hull with all their 
puissaunce went homward and come to Burd' 
to mete. 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A°. 1442. 99 

Hit is to be had in remembrance how at 
such tyme as the kings adversary of Fraunce 
had leied siege unto the cite of Ax with grete 
puissaunce, the Lord Usak and Augerot de Saint 
Pier,, diveris tymes come oute of the said cite 
unto the said adversarie by a ladder over the 
walle, and re-entered the said cite by the same 
ladder. After that by th'assent of the commens 
there, the said lord and Angeret with the said 
lords soon went over the walle by a ladder unto 
the said adversary, and made composicion with 
him for the said cite under this wise, that all 
the communes sholde be his true lieges, and they 
sholde have their goods save and sure, &c. And 
as touching to their owne personnes, they sholde 
chese whether they wolde leve their hors and 
harneys, and goo saf whether theym lyked, or to 
have their hors and harnesse and stonde in his 
grace ; and also that the said lord sholde deli- 
vere unto hym iij castell ; that is to seye, the 
castel of Bellingnau, Venseurs, and the castell of 
Casteluan ; and for the surtee of thoo to be 
delivered his son was left there as for plegge ; 
and so upon this composicion the towne was de- 
livered the Friday the iij day of August. And as 
soon as the said adversarie was in hit, in iiij parties 
of the said cite, he dide cry that no man under 
payn of deth take any good fro no man, which 



100 JOURNAL OF BECKINGTON, 

cry was not hold. Wherfore after complainte 
made on the Saturday next, execucion was had 
thereupon, and iij were hanged in the markett 
place. As touching the castel, as soon as the 
king entered the cite, James Hersage offred to 
hym the keyes of the castel and becam his liege 
man, and toke hym to the white crosse ; and the 
said adversaire abode there x dayes, and made 
Arnald Guillam de Bormenham his stuard of 
the Lawndez and lieutenant of the castel and 
cite, of which lieutenant with xxx men of armes 
held hit unto the Fry day the xxiiij day of August ; 
at which tyme by night Piers Arnald of S. Gryk 
ordeined iiij or moo of balasters and logged 
theym secretly in a chirch, Estrope, not a shot 
lenght from the gate, and on the morowe by 
tyme he sent iiij men of his arraied with white 
crosses unto the gate ; and whan they wer entred 
the gats they killed the porters and made a 
grete noyse. And than the said Piers with his 
balesters fllle upon and entred and toke the 
town and slewe the Frenisshmen except thoo 
that toke the castel ; and on the morowe after 
come down from Baion and the Lawndes thither 
grete pouple. And on the Monday after be 
tyme there came thider the Lord Gramonde 
and the Viscount de Hort with grete pouple, and 
skaled the castel, and toke the lieutenaunt, and 
gentilmen and of al other they smote of the 



SECRETARY TO HENRY VI. A . 1442. 101 

hedes and cast them into the ryver ; which lieu- 
tenaunt as hit is said is now rawnsoned to xl M 
escut s . Also as hit is reported that there is in 
pypes, what in the towne so in the castel, moo 
than CC legge herneys ; and also al the said ad- 
versaries grete gunnes. Also James Hersage is 
suffice t'abide unto the tyme they knowe the 
wil of our soverain lord the King. 



102 JOURNAL OP BECKINGTON, 

Tonyngs were yelden, unto the kings adver- 
saire withoute siege or saute made tho Baron 
Wyf was within hit. 

Gramond was yelden wherof Strangwise Capitain 
Mausyn was yelden N. Elys Capitain 

Melan was yelden J. de Puis Capitain. 



The logging of hym that calleth hym selve 
king of France, in the town of the Rieul was 
brent sodenly by night, and ne had the Scotts 
myned a wall there he had be ibrent, as al his 
stuf was ; in so muche that his swerd called 
S. Lowes swerd was brent at the same tyme, and 
hit was said he eskaped by the foresaid myne, 
in his shert. This was doon on a Saturday at 
night in the moneth of December. 

M°. the Monday the xxix day of October the 
grete gunne was broken at the Rieul. Item, on 
S 1, K. even at evensonge tyme the Frensshmen 
beganne to shete with gunnes, and cast with in- 
gynnes in to the castel not cessing unto Sonday 
that masse was doo ; in which tyme they shot 
xxiiij shotts, and cast with ij ingynnes xxij 
casts ; every cast of th'oon ingynne vij c weight, 
of th'other v c - 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



Abingdon, 1, in Berkshire. 

« , Abbot of, ib. 

William Ashenden was Abbot of 
Abingdon from 1435 to 1468, when 
he resigned. 

Admiral, the, elected, 84, 85, 86. 
It was then the custom for the 
merchants, masters, and crews of a 
fleet of merchant ships to appoint 
one among tbem their Admiral, 
to whom they swore obedience. 
The following extract from the 
Itolls of Parliament throws much 
light on the subject. In the 3 Hen. 
V., 1415, the Commons stated in a 
petition to the king, "purjohan 
Tutbery, Robert Sharp, et plu- 
sours autres merchantz et mariners 
de Hull, que come la nief le dit 
Johan, appelle Cristofre de Hull, 
cest present an puis la fest de Pas- 
que, fuist a Burdeux et la charge 
ovesque cclx tonelx de vyn et 
autres merchandises envers ycest 
parties d'Engleterre et par election 
de toutz merchantz, maistres, et ma- 
riners d'Engleterre, adonques la 
esteaniz, le dit Christofre fuist esluz 
un des Armiralz de tout la Jiete 
d'Engleterre la a Burdeux esteant, de 
Burdeux tanque en Engleterre, pur 
salvation et sauf garde de tout le 
dit flete : a temps de quell election, 
les chiefs merchantz, maistres, et 
mariners suis ditz, devaunt Consta- 
ble de Burdeux, solonc Vauncien 
custume de tout temps la usee, fur ent 
jurez, que null departeroit de lour 
Admir,alx tanque a lour rivall en 
Engleterre;" but that, having on 
their passage encountered the 
enemy's carracks, the Christopher 
was attacked, and in consequence of 
being deserted by the other ships 
was taken, whilst if the fleet had 
remained with her " solonc le sere- 
ment les merchantz, ministres, et 



mariners suis dit, le dit Christofre 
ust eschape hors des mayns des ditz 
enemyes." The Commons there- 
fore prayed that in consequence of 
the loss of the said Christopher, 
" a la velany a tout la naveye 
d'Engleterre," the owners of the 
ships which deserted her might be 
obliged to pay the whole value of 
that vessel and of her cargo. The 
king in his answer ordered that 
these who were in the fleet should 
be summoned before the Chancellor, 
who was to inquire into the affair, 
with power to compel the said mer- 
chants to make the restitution pray- 
ed, and to imprison such, as at the 
time of the attack of the Christo- 
pher abandoned her. — Vol. iv. pp. 
85, 86. The name of the vessel, 
commanded by the Admiral, is sub- 
stituted in this petition for that of 
the individual, in the same manner 
as when speaking of an engagement 
in naval dispatches, the ships, rather 
than the commanders are men- 
tioned. See Officers. 

Adrian, Mr., 4. 
Adversary of France. 

The King of France. See France. 
Agen, 64. 

A city on the banks of the Garonne, 
in the department of Lot and 
Garonne, and capital of Agensis. 
It is 108 miles S. E. of Bordeaux. 



Alenc, 



on, Duke of, 40. 



John, surnamed " le Beau :" he was 
born 2nd March, 1409, and succeed- 
ed to the Dukedom on the death of 
his father, who was slain at Agincourt 
in October, 1415. The Duke of 
Brittany spoken of in the text was 
his maternal uncle. A long account 
of the Duke of Alengon will be 
found in L'Art de Verifier les 
Dates. Ed. 1784, Tome ii. p. 887. 
I 



106 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



Alice, 4. 

A servant. 
Angerin, Bernard, 13, 22, 26, 
28, 72. 
Apparently the person who was 
appointed one of the judges to .try 
criminal causes in Acquitaine, 26th 
July, 14 Hen. VI. 1436. Fuedera, 
tome x. p. 651. In March, 1445, 
by the title of " one of the king's 
councillors in Acquitaine," he 
obtained a grant of lands; he 
and his legitimate descendants were 
ennobled ; and the following arms 
were assigned to him and them, " de 
asura, cum uno leone ungulato et 
linguato de goules, ac cum decern 
floribus per circuitum, vocatis An- 
gevines, de Argento," ibid, tome xi. 
p. 81. He is again noticed in the 
Fcedera, ibid. p. 116, in the year 
1446, as deputy to the Seneschal 
of Acquitaine. 

Apples given, 81, 83. 

Archdeacon. See Batutz. 

Armagnac, Count of, 23, 24, 29, 
30, 31,59,66, 67,71,72,77. 

■ , Countess of, 33, 34. 

See the Prefatory Remarks. 

Arms, Pursuivant of. 23, 25. 

It is well known that Pursuivants 
of Arms were frequently the bearers 
of letters, and more particularly, 
of letters from parties hostile to each 
other. 

Army, an, prepared to be sent 
into Guienne, 5. 

Arnald, Piers, 100. 

Artist, the. See Hans. 

Ashburton, 4. 

In Devonshire, about nine miles 
from Chudleigh, where the) 7 dined. 

Asherley, , 95, bis. 

John Atherley or Hatherley, iron- 
monger, was mayor of London from 
Michaelmas 1442, to the same time 
in the next year. 

Austin, William, 25, 31,76,80. 
Aux, 44, 67 71, 73,76,78. 

Audi, the Cap tal of the Count of 
Armagnac's dominions, about ninety 
miles S. E. of Bordeaux, and 20 
South of Lectoure, where the other 
letters of the Count are dated. 

Ax, 14, bis, 27, 49, 50, bis, 52, 
99, 100. 



Dax or Acqs, a city on the river 
Adour in the department of Landes, 
25 miles N. E. of Bordeaux. It was 
long in the possession of the Eng- 
lish, and we learn that it was besieged 
by the French in July, 1442, and 
taken by them on the 3rd of August 
following, on which day the King of 
France was in it ; but it was very 
soon afterwards retaken. An in- 
teresting account of the stratagem 
by which it was recovered from the 
French is given in p. 100. It was 
again besieged by them in October 
following 

Bastaiiles, 14. 

Wooden towers, sometimes called 
Bulwarks ; they were chiefly used 
in besieging towns, and were of 
sufficient height to enable the men 
in them to shoot over the walls of 
the place invested. These ma- 
chines are frequently mentioned in 
the account of sieges. For one 
among other allusions to them in 
the description of the siege of Har- 
fleur, in 1415, see Bulwarks. 

Balanger, 51. 

A small vessel. In the year in 
which this letter was written, the 
Commons prayed the king that 
among other measures for the de- 
fence of the realm there might 
be always on the sea for the sea- 
sons " fro Candiimes to Marty- 
messe viij shippes with forstages, 
the whiche shippes, as it is thought 
most have on with an other, eche of 
hem cl men : summa £j men. 
Item every grete Shippe most have 
attendyng opon hem a Barge, and 
a Bulynger ; and every barge most 
have in f;?- men. Item the viij 
Balyngers most have in eche of hem 
xl men." — Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 59. 
In the list of what may be called the 
Royal Navy in the 4 Hen. V. 
1417 ten Baleugers are mentioned. 

Balestiers, 100. 

Arblestiers, cross bow men. 

Base, [Bass.] a fish, given, 88. 

Bassatense, Bishop of, 12, 35, 
72, 83, 84. 
In March, 1433, Bernard de Biol 
held that situation, Fcedei'a, tome x. 
p. 543. 

Basingstoke, in Hampshire, 2. 



IXDEX AND NOTES. 



107 



Batutz, John de, 6, 10, 12, 18, 
23, 24,29, 30, 31,32, 39, et 
seq. 41, 47, 51, 59, 61, 64, 

66, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 
81, 90, to 95. 

Licentiate in Law, Canon and Arch- 
deacon of St. Antonine, the Church 
of oar Lady of Rhodes, Chancellor 
and Chief Councillor of the Count 
of Armagnac. He was one of the 
Ambassadors sent to England by 
the Count in April, 1442, to offer 
his daughter to Henry the Sixth, 
Ftedera, tome xi. p. 6, and appears to 
have accompanied the English am- 
bassadors to Bordeaux, which place 
he left for Lectoure on Saturday 
the 21st of July, where he arrived 
before the 29 th of that month. From 
his correspondence some informa- 
tion, may be gained of his character. 
He was evidently a man of consi- 
derable shrewdness and ability ; and 
evinced not a little address in the 
attempt to pursuade the English 
ambassadors of the sincerity of his 
master's conduct. Though always 
styled " Canon and Archdeacon of 
St. Anthony in the Church of 
"Rodes," in the letters of the 
Count of Armagnac, he is called 
in the Faedera, " Canonicum, et 
Archidiaconum Sancti Anthonii in 
Ecclesia Ruthenemi." 

Bayonne, 10, 14, ter, 27, 50. 

A large city in the department of 
the Lower Pyrenees, at the entrance 
of the river Adour. 

Beckinton, 2. 

Beckington,in Somersetshire, three 
miles north of Frome, and seven- 
teen miles E. N. E. of Wells. 

Bedwin, 1, hi , 2, 90, bis. 

Either Great or Little Bedwin, in 
Wiltshire, both of which places are 
about twenty-one miles from Sutton 
Courtney. 

Beek, , 22. 

Bellinder, 18. 

A small town on the river Dur- 
dogne, then belonging to the Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux. 

Bellingier, 89. 

Evidently Belle Isle, a well known 
large island, about 35 miles S. W. of 
Vannet in Brittany. 



Bellingnau, castle of, 99. 

Bernard, J., 2. 

--, Friar, 36. 

Blake, , 28, 35. 

Blakis, J., 90. 

Blakeney, J., 2, 95. 

John Blakeney, an usher of the 
king's eham jer : he was excepted 
from the effects of the Act of Re- 
sumption, 28 Hen. VI. Rot. Pari. 
vol. v. p. 192 ; and was among those 
who were requested to be removed 
for ever from about the king's per- 
son, in 1451, Ibid, p. 216. 

Blank Sable, 89 
Bloye, li, 26, 84. 

Blaye, a sea port on the banks of the 

Garonne, about 20 miles N. N. W. 

of Bordeaux, then in the possession 

of the English. 

Boat, with eighteen Mariners, 
84. 
A perfect idea of the kind of boats 
used at the period may be formed 
from some of the illuminations to 
the copy of Froissart's Chronicle in 
the Harleian Collection in the 
British Museum. 

Bonnegille, castle of, 53. 
Bonviile, Sir William, 89, ter, 90. 

A distinguished <oldier in the reign 
of Henry the Sixth, and the repre- 
sentative of an ancient Devonshire 
family, of which county he was 
sheriff in 1422 3. His expe- 
dition to Bordeaux, noticed in 
p. 89, is thus alluded to by a con- 
temporary chronicler ; '' Also in this 
yere wente S r William Bonevylle, 
knight to Burdeux, with viij c of 
goode fytynge men to kepe the 
town unto the tyme a grett rete- 
newe myght be mad and sent 
thider." — Chronicle of London, p. 
132. In the 21st Hen. VI. he was 
retained to serve in the French wars 
with twenty men at arms, and six 
hundred archers, when he was 
made Seneschal of Acquitaine. For 
his service there he is said by Dug- 
dale to have been summoned to 
Parliament as a Peer of the realm 
in the 28 Hen. VI., and in the 
33 Hen. VI. was Lieutenant of 
Acquitaine. Favouring the claims 
of the House of York he rendered 



108 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



himself so obnoxious to the Queen 
of Henry the Sixth, that being in 
her power after the defeat of the 
Lancastrians at the second battle of 
St. Albans, she caused him to be be- 
headed in 1461. As Sir William 
Bonvile is said to have been at Ply- 
mouth on the 28th January, and 
was supposed to have been near 
Bordeaux by the 5th of February, 
(p. 89.) if he was the individual 
mentioned as having given I. Blake 
a horse on the 15th of that month, 
he of course could not then have 
sailed. 
Bordeaux, 10, 12, 14, 15, scepe, 

18, sape, 19, 25,27, 28, 31, 

33, 37, 38, 47, 48, 52, 54, 

59,61, 89,90. 
— -, Archbishop of, 12, 

lis, 16, bis, 20, 55. 

Peter Berland : he was the son of a 
labourer of Medoc, became canon 
of the church of St. Andrew of 
Bordeaux; and for " his good con- 
duct and sound doctrines," he was 
elected Archbishop of Bordeaux in 
1430. In 1442 he is stated to have 
been sent to England to ask for re- 
lief from Henry, which is corro- 
borated by the letter from the am- 
bassadors to Lord Cromwell, dated 
the 24th of July, and from the 
king to the inhabitants of Bor- 
deaux, dated the 21st of September 
in that year. It would appear 
from the allusion to the " trouthe 
and simplenesse" of the Archbishop 
in the former of those letters that 
he was frank and ingenuous in his 
character, and too little of a di- 
plomatist to bear being " groped" 
without betraying all he knew. He 
founded a college for twelve poor 
children in Bordeaux, and dying in 
1455, was succeeded by Blaize de 
Grele. Gabriel L'Urbes Chronique 
de la Bordeaux, 4to. 1594, p. 35. 

— . , Doctor of the Arch- 
bishop of. 

■ , Clerk of the castle of, 

57. 

See Chipnam. 

~ /Town Clerk of, 38. 

,Constableofthe Castle 

of, 12,21, 22,26, 35, 36,37, 

52. 

Sir Robert Clifton. — See Clifton. 



Bordeaux, Seneschal of, 11, bis, 
37: 

From the passage in p. 18, it seems 
that the seneschal of Bordeaux was 
Sir Thomas Rampston : he was 
taken prisoner by the French in 
July, 1442, at the capture of St. 
Severs. 

. , Jurats of, 22. 

, Provost of 12. 

Nicholas Dryver. 

, Mayor of, 21, 34,37, 

83. 

Gailard Shorthose. — See Shorthose. 

Bormenham, Arnold Guilham 

de, 100. 

Bows given as presents, 83, bis, 

Brittany, Arthur of, 87. 

Comte de Richmonte, and Consta- 
ble, son of John, fourth Duke of 
Brittany, He succeeded to that 
dukedom in 1457, on the death of 
his nephew Peter the Second, being 
then sixty years of age. 

■ , Duke of, 40. 

John.surnamed "the good and the 
wise." He was born in 13S9, suc- 
ceeded his father in 1399, and died 
in October, 1442. 

Brosses, Mr. Stephen de, 65, 
bis, 66. 
It appears from a letter from John 
Count de Foix, dated 22 July, 1422, 
that a " Maistre Estienne dez 
Brosses Procureur en Guienne," of 
Henry the Sixth, and probably the 
same person, was then one of the 
persons appointed to meet the 
Count relative to a treaty which 
his ambassadors had then re- 
cently concluded with the kings 
of England and France. — Fazdera, 
tome x. p. 230. De Brosses was 
clearly a Priest. 

Browneng, William, 3. 

Prebendary of Exeter. 
Bruges, Christian Boniston, 
[9 «ery of] 86. 

Master of the ship called the Holy 

Ghost of Bruges, and Admiral of 

the Hulks of Flanders. 

•, ships of, 86. 



In the 14th century, Bruges in 
Flanders, is said to have been a 
place of the greatest trade in 
Europe. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



109 



Buck a, sent as a present/3. 
Bulkley, , 59. 

Probably the " William Bulkeley 
Squire of oure Household," who 
was excepted from the effects of the 
act of Resumption, 28 Hen. VI. 
1450, with respect to a grant of 
" xhd. by the day for the Ser- 
geante of Armes in oure ile of An- 
glesey for terme of hys lyf." Rot. 
Pari. vol. v. p. 195b. 
Bulwarks, 16. 

The following passages in the ac- 
count of an eye-witness of the siege 
of Harfleur in September, 1415, 
contain a description of " Bul- 
warks ;" " And before the entrance 
of each of these gates, the prudence 
of the enemy had erected a strong 
defence, which we term a Barbican, 
but commonly called Bulwarks : 
that towards the king was the 
strongest and largest, being de- 
fended without with round thick 
trees, nearly to the height of the 
walls of the town, fastened around, 
bound, and girded together very 
strongly. The interior is fortified 
with a wall of earth, and rough 
hewn beams in the bye-paths and 
narrow places for the reception of 
the enemy, with narrow chinks 
and places full of holes through 
which they might fire among us 
with their tubes, which we in Eng- 
lish call ' gunnys,' and with arrows, 
cross-bows, and other offensive 
weapons. — History cf the Battle of 
Agincourt, 8vo. 1827, p. 99. Bul- 
warks were also sometimes move- 
able : " Our king had caused faggots 
of ten feet in length to be carried 
by the army for the filling up of 
the ditches on his side : also towers 
and wooden bulwarks to the height 
of the walls, and ladders and other 
instruments." — Ibid. p. 113. 

Burgerac, 37. 

Bergerac, a town on the river Dur- 
dogne, about 45 miles E. of Bor- 
deaux. 

Burghe, 11. 

Bourg, a town on the banks, and at 
the entrance of the river Durdogne, 
12 miles North of Bordeaux, then 
in the possession of the English. 

Burton, William, 25. 

Perhaps the " William Burton, 
grome of the chambre, with the 



quene oure best beloved wyff," who 
was protected from the effects of 
the act of resumption, 2S Hen. VI. 
1450. Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 197 b - 

Butler of the Bishop of Exeter, 
66. 

Cadiliac, 50. 

A town on the banks of the Ga- 
ronne, 15 miles S. E. of Bordeaux. 

Cannons, 29. 

Cantor, , 90. 

Canvas, painting upon, 75. 

Capitowe, the, 23, 28, ter, 37, 
scepe, 58, 83, bis. 
Gascon de Foix, Capitowe, or Capi- 
tawe de la Busch, brother of Jean, 
Comte de Foix. He was created 
Comte de Longueville in Nor- 
mandy, by Henry V. and Comte of 
Benanges, and a Knight of the 
Gaiter, by Henry VI. 

, son of the, 37, 38, 58. 

John de Foix, Viscount of Longue- 
ville, eldest son of the last men- 
tioned personage. Having mar- 
ried a niece of William de le Pole, 
Duke of Suffolk, he was created 
Earl of Kendal in 1446, a Knight of 
the Garter, and obtained extensive 
grants of lands. In the impeach- 
ment of the Duke of Suffolk in the 
28 Hen. VI. the creation of the 
Earl of Kendal, and the benefits 
conferred upon him, formed a prin- 
cipal charge. 

, Seneschal of the, bu- 
ried, 71. 

Capons given, 28. 

Captives, poor, 77. 

Carmelites Friar, Provincial of 
the Order of, 27. 

Carvers, one of the king's, 5. 

The offices of Carvers to the King 
and Queen were generally filled 
by knights, Rot. Pari, vol. v. 
p. 194. b I98. b The "regulations 
for the household of Edward IV," 
state that " Bannerettes iiii. or 
Bacheler Knights to be Kervers, 
and Cup Bearers in this courte," 
and their privileges and duties 
are minutely described, p. 32. 
Their pay was then eight marks 
at Christmas and Whitsuntide, and 
ten marks at Easter and Michael- 



110 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



mas, and each " after the king is 
passed it, may chese for hymself one 
dyshe or two that plenty is among." 
In the 17 Hen. VIII. two Peers 
were the king's carvers, with fees 
of fifty marks each. Ibid. p. 168. 
By the statute regulating apparel, 
4 Edw. IV. it was provided that 
the Steward, Chamberlain, Trea- 
surer and Controller of the King's 
Household, "and your Kervers 
and Knyghtes for youre body, and 
' their wyfes may use and were 
furres of sable and ermyns. Ibid. 
p. 504. b It is worthy of remark 
that the famous Jack Cade the 
traitor appointed an esquire to be 
his Carver and Sword Bearer. Ibid. 
p. 248,* 396. a " 

Castellion, castle of, 11, 15. 

A castle near the entrance of the 
Garonne. 

. , captain of, 11. 

Casteluan, castle of, 99. 

Catery, an officer of the, 1 . 

One of the King's Purveyors. In 
the 23 Hen. VI. the Commons 
in their petition relative to pur- 
ve} ors, prayed that the Sergeant of 
the Catery might satisfy all 
damages, debts, and executions 
which might be recovered against 
any purveyor or caterer under 
him in actions for misbehaviour 
in his office. Rot. Pail, vol. v. 
p. 104. 

Caumont, Lord of, 53. 
Chamberlaine, Thomas, 1, 2, 3, 
90. 

A person of these names, who was 
Yeoman of the King's Chamber, 
was protected from the effects of the 
act of resumption in the 28 Hen. 
VI. 1450. Rot. Purl. vol. v. p. 192. 

Chambre, Le, 48, 62. 

This expression is so well ex- 
plained where it occurs, that but 
little need he added on the subject. 
Roquefort defines "Chambre," 
" ce qui est accorde a la femme 
comnie meubles apres la mort du 
mari." Bequests often occur in 
Wills for " the chamber," but the 
sense in which the word is used 
in them is not perhaps always the 
same. Humphrey de Bohun, Earl 
of Hereford, in 1361 gave his niece 



Katherine, wife of Sir Thomas 
Engaine 40L " pur sa chamber ;" 
and Thomas Lord Burgh in 1495 
gave his son Thomas " to his 
chamber 40/., the one half in 
plate, the other in household stuff. 
Testamenta Vetusta, p. 67, 429. 

Chancellor, the Lord, 95, bis. 
John Frank, Clerk, Keeper of the 
Rolls, was appointed Keeper of the 
Great Seal on the 22nd April, 
11 Hen. VI., 1433, which office he 
held until January, 28 Hen. VI. 
1450, when Cardinal John Kemp, 
Archbishop of York, was made 
Chancellor. Dugdale's Origines. 

Children of the Count of Ar- 
magnac. 
See the Introductory Remarks. 



Chipn; 



57, 65. 



Clerk of the Castle of Bordeaux. 
He was probably the Master 
Thomas Chipenham, who was ap- 
pointed with several other persons, 
Commissioners from Henry the 
Sixth, to treat for the reformation 
of some abuses committed contrary 
to the treaty with the Duke of 
Burgundy in 1458. — Faidera, tome 
xi. p. 411. 

Chirchis ship, a vessel so called, 

65. 
Chiswick, 95. 

Near Hammersmith, in Middlesex, 
where, it seems, the Eord Chan- 
cellor had a house. 

Chudleigh, 4. 

In Devonshire, nine miles W.S.W: 
of Exeter. 
Cinon, wood of, 34. 

A village a few miles East of Bor- 
deaux, on the opposite side of the 
river. 

Clairac, 53. 

A town on a branch of the Garonne, 

50 miles S. E. of Bordeaux. 
Clermont, Castle of, 53. 

The town of Clermont is nine 

miles W. of Agen. 
Clifton, Sir Robert, 12, 22, 26, 
35, 36, 37, 52. 

Constable of the Castle of Bordeaux. 

He was the 2nd son of Sir Adam 

Clifton of Frebridge and Denvere in 



1KDEX AND NOTES. 



Ill 



Norfolk, who died in 1411, and 
uncle of John, first Baron Clifton. 
In 1411 he was Sheriff of Nor- 
folk, and in 1435, being then a 
knight, he was appointed with 
Stephen Wilton, Doctor of Laws, 
to treat with the Archbishop of 
Cologne. Fcedera, tome x. p. 626. 
He was perhaps the Sir Robert 
Clifton, Knt. who was an exe- 
cutor of Thomas Ingoldesthorp, 
Esq. in January 1422; and who, 
with Sir John Clifton, Knt., were two 
of the persons on whom Sir Simon 
Felbrigge says in his will, dated on 
the 1st of September, 1431, divers 
manors in the county of Norfolk, 
Suffolk, and Bedford, were settled 
in remainder. Testamenta, Vetusta, 
pp. 204, 245. It appears from 
the Journal, that he died on the 
25th or 26th of September, 1442 ; 
and as he entertained Beckington 
to supper on the 4th of that month, 
it would seem that he was ill but a 
short time, but the Inquisition on 
his death states that he died on the 
27th of September. Blomefield 
says that pursuant to the directions 
in his will, which is dated at Bour- 
deaux in 1442, and in which he 
mentions his wife Alice, the 
Lady Hastings his daughter, who 
married secondly John Wyndham, 
Esq., and Alice, and Eleanor, his 
daughters who were then nuns, he 
was buried in Buckenham Priory, 
in Norfolk ; but it is certain from 
the Journal that he was buried in 
the Carmelites church, at Bor- 
deaux, on the 26th of September. 
By Emma, his first wife, he had 
Thomas Clifton, Esq., his son and 
heir, who was found to be above 
thirty years of age at his father's 
decease. His second wife, Alice, 
who survived until 1453, also mar- 
ried Fulke de Grey, Esq. The 
said Thomas Clifton died in 1452, 
and his son, Sir Robert Clifton, 
died 7th March, 14C0, leaving Eli- 
zabeth his daughter and heiress. — 
Blomefield, Norfolk, folio, vol. i. 
p. 255.— ExheaU, 21 Henry VI. ; 
33 Henry VI., No. 18 ; and 9 and 
10 Edward IV. No. 51. The 
statement in the letter from Beck- 
ington and Roos, p. 52, that Clifton 
died on the third of October, must 
be erroneous. The notice of his cre- 



ditor having excommunicated him, 
for not having paid some money 
lent to him, is deserving of attention. 

Cobyorn J., 3. 

John Cobethorn was Dean of Exe- 
ter from August, 1419 to 1452. 

Cock-boat, 87. 

A small boat belonging to a ship. 

" yond tall anch'ring 

bark 
Seems lessen'd to her cock, her 

cock a buoy 
Almost too small for sight." 

Shakespeare. 

Cog-ship, a, 12. 

A small vessel. Matthew of West- 
minster, says of William the Con- 
queror, " Venit ad hoc in Ang- 
liam trecentis cogg.iribus advectus." 
In the stat. 23 Hen. VIII. c. 18, 
Cogs are mentioned, and appear to 
have been a kind of small vessel or 
boat employed on the river Ouse 
and Humber. The word Coggles is 
still used. 

" Col'lacion," 16. 

A discourse, harangue, lectures." No 
parson, &c. shall preach any ser- 
mon or 0011001071." — Todd's Johnson. 

Cold weather said to impede the 
painter in his work, 94. 

Colles, Mr. R., 90. 

Collingbourn, 90. 

Collingbourn Kingston, or Colling- 
bourn Ducis, fifteen miles N. N. E. 
of Salisbury. 

Colnbrook, 90. 

Near Windsor, in Berkshire. 

Comb John, 3. 

A manor in the parish of Broad 
Clist, in Devonshire, five miles 
N.E. of Exeter : one of the Earls 
of Devon built a seat there. — 
Polivhele's Devon, vol. ii. p. 190. 

Comptroller, the, 34, 35, bis, 36, 
bis, 39, 83. 

Conak, 11. 

A town near the entrance of the 
Garonne, then in the possession of 
the English. 

Lord de, 65, 71, 72, 

tar, 84. 

Copston, - 

Courtenay, Sir Philip, 4, bis. 

Grandson of Sir Philip Courtenay, 
of Powderham Castle, in Devon- 



-,89. 



112 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



shire, sixth son of Hugh.secondEarl 
of Devon, by Margaret de Bohun, 
grand- daughter of KingEdward I. 
He succeeded to the lands of his 
uncle, Richard Courtenay, Bishop 
of Norwich, who died at the siege 
of Harfleur, in 1415, and died in 
"December, 1463. By his wife, 
Elizabeth, daughter of the Walter 
Lord Hungerford mentioned in the 
Journal, he had issue several chil- 
dren, from the eldest of whom, 
Viscount Courtenay, the present 
possessor of Povvderham, is de- 
scended. The regulation for the 
safety of the realm in 1442, com- 
mands that his " grete ship atte 
Dertemouth" and a barge, and a 
balinger, should be taken for that 
purpose. — Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 59. b 

Couturez, 53. 
Crewkerne, 90. 

In Somersetshire, twenty miles 
S. W. of Taunton. 

Crowdon, 85, 87, bis, 88, 89. 

A small sea port in Brittany, 
situated on the extreme part of 
the Point du Raz, about twenty- 
five miles West of Quimper. 

■ Roads, 85. 

• , Church of, ib. 

Cry, i. e. a Proclamation, 100. 

Cursonne, Castle of, 53. 

Curteys Friar, 3. 

Daniel, Thomas, 1. 

Several notices of a Thomas Da- 
niel, Esquire of the King's body, 
occur on the Rolls of Parliament. 
By the Act of Resumption, 28 
Henry VI. 1450, he was protected 
in the possession of every thing 
which had been granted to him, 
excepting the honour of Gedyng- 
ton, in Northamptonshire, which 
the king resumed into his own 
hands — vol. v. p. 190. In the next 
year, a person of these names, 
" late of London, squire," was 
among those whom the commons 
prayed might be removed from the 
king's presence for life, " for mys- 
behaving aboute youre Roiall per- 
sone." — p. 216. Further notices of 
him will be found in the same 
volume, pp. 340, b 477, b 480, b 512, a 
and vol. vi. 104. a 



Dartmouth, a ship of, 88. 

Dartmouth, perhaps the most beau- 
tifully situated town in England, 
was once a considerable sea-port. 
In the 20 Edward III. it furnished 
thirty-two ships and 756 mariners 
to the king's fleet, being six times 
as many ships as Portsmouth pro- 
vided. Bree's Cursory Sketch, p. 
339. Chaucer thus alludes to it 
as a well known sea-port — 

" A shipnian was ther woned fer by 
west, 

For ought I wote he was of Derte- 
mouth." 

De Gountaut, 53. 

Depham, 95. 

Deepham, in the parish of Edmon- 
ton, about seven miles from town. — 
Lyson's Environs of London, vol. ii. 
p. 256. We learn from the Journal 
that Deepham then belonged to 
Ralph Lord Cromwell, the trea- 
surer. 

Despoir, Sir Lewis. See Spoy. 

Deuxmars, 18, 34. 

Appears to have been the tract of 
country which is nearly surrounded 
by the rivers Garonne and Dur- 
dogne " en entre deux mars." In 
p. 34, it clearly means the place 
" between the two rivers ;" but 
from the manner in which " Deux 
Mars" is used in p. 18, it seems to 
have been a proper name. 

Devises, in Wiltshire, 2. 
Devon, Earl of, 3. 

Thomas Courtenay, fifth Earl of 
Devon, who was then about twenty- 
one years of age, and died in Fe- 
bruary, 145S. He possessed a 
castle at Tiverton, the remains of 
which are still visible : after dinner 
his guest left him, and refreshed 
himself at Comb John, another of 
his places of residence. 

Dolphin. See France. 
Dominiac, Wine of Lombardy 

so called, 87. See Wine. 
Dowry, the daughter of the 

Count of Armagnac's, 48, 62. 
Diyver, Nicholas, 12. 

Provost of Bordeaux. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



113 



Durdon, the River, 18. 

A small river which meets the 

Garonne, near Bourg. 
Dykside, 98. 



Eagle, Seal of, 5, 7, 16. 

Though several other notices of the 
Seal of the Eagle exist, it has 
hitherto wholly escaped the atten- 
tion of Antiquaries, a term not 
used to designate the members of 
the imbecile society incorporated 
by royal charter, but those few 
individuals who have really la- 
boured to illustrate the history and 
antiquities of this country. King 
Henry the Fifth is said to have sealed 
his will, " cum magno et privato si- 
gillis, ac signeto ipsius nuper Regis, 
una cum quodam codicillo, in qua- 
dam cedula papirea manu ejusdem 
nuper Regis scripto, et signeto tno 
de L'Egle signato." — Rot. Pari. 
vol. iv. p. 299. b Henry the Seventh 
thus concludes his will, 

" In testimony of ail whiche pre- 
misse nd of ery theim and also in 
witte nesse that theis presents be 
o laste will and testament We 
have comaunded and caused and 
by warant of thies presents signed 
with oure signe manuell wol and 
comaunde aswel our Privy Seale, 
as our 6ignet remaynyng in the 
keping our Secretary and 

our p vie signet of the Eguell 
remaynyng in owen keping as 
lso our s le to be put to theis 
said prese Dated at unter- 

bury the of Aprill the xxiiij 
ye of our reigne" 
Impressions of the Seal are pre- 
served to two letters from Henry 
the Sixth in the Tower of London, 
and contain an Eagle displayed. 
It was probably the signet of the 
Honor of the Eagle, which was 
granted to Prince Edward, after- 
wards Edward the First, by his 
father Henry the Third, in the 
fifty-third year of his reign, to him 
" et hseredibus suis Regibus An- 
glicae totum honorem Aquilse ita 
quod non separetur a corona" — 
Calend. Rot. Patent, p. 42. b An 
engraving of the seal, with some 
remarks, will be found in the Re- 
trospective Review. New Series. 



Elected, Officers, 83. 

See Admiral, and Regent. It would 
appear from the frequent notices on 
the Rolls of Parliament of persons 
being elected to fill various offices, 
as well as from the facts stated in 
this Journal that the Admiral, and 
the Regent and Constable of Bor- 
deaux were elected, that the ap- 
pointment to a variety of situations 
which are now filled by the Crown, 
depended in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries, like Bishopricks, 
Canonries, and other ecclesiastical 
offices, Orders of knighthood, Re- 
presentations in Parliament, &c. on 
the choice of a body of individuals, 
though it is probable that the king 
-possessed a Veto. The shadow 
of this mode of filling up some 
situations still remains. 

Eloy, St. Jurates of, 38. 

Elys, N. 80. 

En Dort, Castle of, 72. 

Engines, 16, 102. 

All the machines used for besieg- 
ing a town were called Engines, 
by which term they are constantly 
described in early writers. Dr. 
Meyrick's work on Armour con- 
tains some interesting remarks on 
the subject. 

England, King of, 32, 33, 42, 
43, 96. 

, Cardinal of, 48, 96, 

bis. 
This title was attributed to Henry 
Beaufort, then Bishop of Win- 
chester, third son of John of Gaunt, 
Duke of Lancaster, by Katherine 
Swynford. He died 11th April, 
1447. 

Enrnore, 2, bis. 

A village in Somersetshire, six 
miles North of Taunton. It appears 
that it was then the residence of 
Edward Hull. 

Erie, Richard, 2. 

Esquire of the king's body, 4, 
58. 

Est, Thomas, 84, bis. 

A Yeoman of the Crown. He was 
excepted from the effects of the 
Acts of Resumption in the 28th 
and 34th Henry VI.— Hot. Pari. 
vol. v. pp. 192, b 316. In the 2nd 
K 



114 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



Henry VI. a person of these names 
is said to have been entrusted with 
the custody of the property of King 
Henry the Fifth. Ibid. vol. iv. p. 239, 
and part of bis goods was included 
in the inventory of those of that 
monarch. Ibid. p. 235. 

Eston, , 85. 

Eton, 90. 

Near Windsor. 

Ettoing, William, 70. 

Etyn, , 80. 

Ewelm, 95. 

In Oxfordshire, the seat of Thomas 
Chaucer, son of the poet : the Earl 
of Suffolk having married Alice his 
daughter and heiress, became pos- 
sessed of Ewelm in her right. 

Excommunicated, The Constable 
of Bordeaux excommunicated 
by his creditor, 36. 
From the passage referred to, it 
would appear that a creditor pos- 
sessed the power of excommuni- 
cating a debtor, if money lent upon 
a bond was not repaid at the 
stipulated time. The original is, 
" Dictus tamen Bernardus, dictum 
Constabularium fecit excommuni- 
cari pro non solucione dicte summe 
in tercio die ante dictum festum 
solucionis." 

Exeter, 390. 

, Bishop of, 4, 66. 

Edmond Lacy, who was translated 
to that see from Hereford in 1420, 
and died on the 18th of Septem- 
ber, 1455. 

■, Dean of, 3. 
John Cobythorn was Dean of 
Exeter from August 1419 to 1452. 

, Chancellor of, 3. 

John Snetisham, S. T. P. who was 
collated chancellor of the church of 
Exeter, 11th March, 1438, and 
died in 1448.— 

Falmouth, 89. 

A well known port in Cornwall. 
Finaunce, i. e. money, 22. 
Fish given, 88. 
Flanders, Ships of, 85, 86. 

Flexemer, , 57. 

Foix, see Fux. 
Foreland, 89. 

The writer of the Journal has com- 



mitted a mistake in speaking of 
the Foreland, there being no point 
of land so called, which can be 
seen at the same time with Mount's 
Bay. It was more probably the 
Lizard : but perhaps any very 
prominent point of land was then 
called Fore-land. 

Fortifications of Bordeaux, the 

New, inspected, 13. 
Forecastle of a Ship, 86. 

Large ships in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries had a raised 
platform or stage at each end, 
called castles, which contained the 
fighting men. The castle forward 
was termed the fore-castle, or 
fore-stage. In Robert de Aves- 
burg's Hiitoria, is a letter describ- 
ing the progress of Edward the 
Third, in France, in July, 1346, 
in which it is said that " He found 
at the Hague, eleven ships, of 
which eight had castles before and 
behind, " ove chastiels devant et 
derere;" and the writer, frequently 
speaks of other ships in the same 
manner. Bree, in his ° Cursory 
Sketch" has sadly misunderstood 
this subject, as he has thus printed 
a passage on the Rolls of Parliament 
relating to Shipping in 1441, 
" eight ships with four stages," in- 
stead of " viij shippes with 
forstages." Rot. Pari. v. 5, p. 59. b 
These castles were also called top- 
castles, 

" XV. hundryd shippys redy 
there he fond 

With riche sayles and heye top- 
castell. ' ' — Lydga te. 

We learn from the text, that the 
forecastle was also the place in 
which business was transacted. 

Foster, John, 80. 

A Priest. 
Fowey, Julian of, a ship so 
called, 86. 

Though now remarkable for little 
besides its beautiful situation, and 
for being one of the most venal of 
all the corrupt boroughs in Corn- 
wall, Fowey was once a port of 
considerable importance, and as 
early as the 20th of Edward the 
Third, 1345, furnished twenty-six 
ships, and six hundred and three 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



115 



mariners to that monarch's fleet. 
Bree's Cursory Sketch, on the autho- 
rity of the Harleian MS. 246. 

Foylet, 53. 

France, Kin^ of, 15, 30, bis, 31, 
33, 37, 49, 50, 55, 102. 

Charles the Seventh , surnamed " the 
Victorious." He was born 22nd 
of February, 1403, succeeded his 
father 22nd of October, 1422, and 
died 22nd July, 1461. 

This journal fully corroborates 
the statement of historians, that 
His Majesty took the field in 
person in Acquitaiue in 1442. 
We find that he was present at 
the siege of Rieul ; and a curious 
anecdote occurs in p. 102, of 
the eminent danger he experi- 
enced in December in that year, 
when his lodging in that town 
was burnt by the English, he es- 
caping in his shirt with the' loss 
of all his clothes, &c. It is amus- 
ing to notice the care which is 
taken by the writer to avoid styling 
him King of France, a title, how- 
ever, which is fearlessly ascribed 
to him, by the Count of Armagnac's 
counsellor, De Batutz. 

France, Dauphin of, 27, 37. 

Louis, afterwards Louis the Ele- 
venth, who was then just twenty 
years of age. 

. Marshal of, 27. 

• Constable of, 27. 

Francis. See Goer. 

French, the Councillor of the 
Count of Armagnac writes in 
Latin from his inability to 
speak, 39. 

This is an extraordinary statement, 
for it is difficult to believe that the 
Counsellor of the Count of Armag- 
nac should be incapable of writing 
his native tongue. As, however, 
he was a Priest, it is possible that 
he was not taught to write in any 
other language than Latin ; and this 
fact tends to prove how exclusively 
it was used in the cloister in the 
fifteenth century. 

Friar, a, sent to hear the confes- 
sions of such English in Rieul 



as could not " speak French or 
Gascoigne," 39. 

-, A, 38. 



Funeral of the Constable, the 
Service used at, 36. 

Fux, Earl of, 50. 

Gaston IV. Comte de Foix. See 
Capidawe. 

Gabarre, or Gabbers, 25, 84. 

Roquefort explains Gabare to be a 
kind of flat boat, or a lighter : pro- 
bably a small vessel used in the na- 
vigation of shallow rivers. 

Gabbers, 18. 

To Gab, to talk idly, to prate, to 
lie or impose upon. 

"I gabber not; so have I joy 
and bliss." — Chaucer. 

Garonne, the River, 11, 31, 34, 
49. 

Garos. See Groos. 

Garoch. See , 83, bis. 

Garos, is thus explained by Roque- 
fort, and winch agrees with the 
manner in which the word is used 
in 1. 21, in the page cited, " dart, 
arrow, &c." " Garrus" is defined 
to be Holly or Holm : thus, " a 
bow of Garoch," is a bow made of 
holly. 

Gascoigne, the language of, no- 
ticed in contradistinction to 
French, 38. 

Gebbis, Richard, the wife of, 83. 

Geese given as a present, 28. 

Giles of Brittany, 87. 

Third son of John V., Duke of 
Brittany. In 1446, being suspected 
of treasonable designs with the 
English, he was arrested by com- 
mand of his brother Francis I. 
Duke of Brittany, and notwith- 
standing that Henry the Sixth en- 
deavoured to avert his fate, he was 
murdered at the castle of Haudi- 
naiet on the night of the 24th or 
25th April, 1450, being suffocated 
between two mattrasses, after 
having experienced the most bar- 
barous treatment, and every indig- 
nity during a confinement of four 
years, U Art de Verifier les Dates, 
tome iii. p. 908. Johnnes' Mon- 
strelet, vol. xiii. p. 409. The fol- 



116 



INDEX AND NOTES* 



lowing allusion to this prince - 
occurs in the articles of impeach- 
ment of the Duke of Suffolk on 
the 7th February, 28 Hen. VI. 
1450. After stating that by his 
intrigues with the King of France, 
Suffolk had rendered the Duke of 
Brittany the king's enemy, the 
Commons add, " and Gyles of 
Britayn is brother, which is, and 
by longe tyme hath been your 
true welwilled man and servaunt 
putte in grete duresse of prison, 
and likely to be put to the deth 
or distroied for his true feith 
and wille that he hath to you." 
Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 179. In all 
probability the interest felt for himby 
Henry accelerated rather than re- 
tarded his death, for we find the 
Commons of England, expressing 
their sympathy in his situation in a 
petition to their sovereign just ten 
weeks before he was destroyed. It 
is said that in revenge for his re- 
quest not being complied with, 
Henry ordered Francis de Sunenne 
to surprize the town of Fongeres, 
which he performed. L' 'Art de Veri- 
fier les Dates, vol. iii. p. 908. 

Glastonbury, 2. 

In Somersetshire, five miles S. S. W. 
of Wells. 

— , Abbot of, 2. 

Nicholas Frome was Abbot of 
Glastonbury from 1420 to the 24th 
April, 1456, when he died. 

Gloucester, Duke of, 48, 95. 

Humphrey Plantagenet, youngest 
son of Henry the Fourth. He was 
created Duke of Gloucester and 
Earl of Pembroke in September, 
1414, and died in 1446, having, it 
is supposed been murdered. 

Goer, John, 15, 21, 22. 

Of this individual nothing more is 
known than what is said of him in 
the letter to the king. 

Gomond, Baron of, 18. 

Goods the Constables seized for 
the king, 37. 
Upon the demise of an individual 
who held lands in capite in Eng- 
land, the king's Escheater seized 
them until an inquisition was 
taken to ascertain of what lands 
he died seized, how they were 



held, and who was his heir, in 
order that if he was a minor the 
Crown might not be defrauded of 
his wardship. 

Gramond, Lord, 52, 100. 
Gramond, 102. 

Grammond a town fifteen miles 
N. E. of Limoges, and about 120 
N. E. of Bordeaux. 

Graos. See Groos. 

Gremond, N. 39. 

Greenwich, in Kent, 195. 

It seems that it was then one of the 
residences of Humphrey, Duke of 
Gloucester. 

Groos, Garos or Graos, Bernard 
de, 26, bis, 28, 29, 33, 34, 
36, bis, 77, 82. 

All that has been ascertained of 
this individual is that he is de- 
scribed as a Burgess of Bourdeaux 
in a writ tested 6th of April, 1433. 
Fcedera, tome x. p. 547, 
" Groped," 20. 

Felt, examined ; now generally ap- 
plied in a corporeal sense. Chaucer 
however uses it as in the text. 

" These curates ben so negligent and 

slow, 
To gropen tenderly a conscience." 

Guilamtin, Mons" 28, 29, 59. 

Gules, John de, 4. 

Guns, 16, 102. 

, Great, 101, 102. 

, mentioned as having burst, 

59, 102. 

Hans the Artist, 60, 63, 73, 74, 
77,91,95. 
The Artist who was intrusted with 
the delicate office of taking the por- 
traits of the three candidates for 
the heart and crown of the youth- 
ful monarch, is here said to have 
been brought from England, and to 
have arrived on the third of No- 
vember, 1442, has only the Chris- 
tian name "Hans," without a pa- 
tronymic, and which renders it 
likely that he was not a native 
artist, but a German or Fleming. 
He was the bearer of a letter to 
De Batute, in which he is de- 
scribed to be a very competent artist, 
and that he was enjoined to execute 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



117 



his commission with all possible 
haste, and to return on the 22nd 
of November. The Count himself 
writes, that the painter was very di- 
ligently employed, having begun on 
canvas on the 22d of December: 
the ambassadors became impatient, 
and demanded tbat Hans should be 
immediately sent back to them, in- 
sinuating that he was detained 
merely as a pretext for delay. In 
reply, in Jan. 2nd, 1442-3, the 
Archdeacon De Batute says, that 
the winter weather had impeded his 
progress, but that the portraits 
would be shortly completed, that 
one of them was actually finished, 
and that Hans would be able to 
complete the two others, because he 
had now procured proper materials. 
Hans was not treated reasonably by 
the ambassadors, with respect to the 
time allowed, and under the circum- 
stances. Neither in Walpole's anec- 
dotes, nor in the late edition of them 
is this proof adverted to that portrait 
painters were so early employed in 
England. Mabusa is the first au- 
thenticated painter in the reign of 
Henry VII. ; and he too like Hans 
was a foreigner.** 

Harping Iron, 11. 

An Iron with three prongs like a 
trident. It is fixed on a staff, with 
a long rope attached to it, and is 
still used for striking fish, but is 
now generally called a Harpoon. 

Hat, a Scarlet, given as a New- 
Year's gift, 82. 

Hay ward, -, 83 

Henley, upon Thomas, 1, 90. 

Hervy, , a Vintner of Lon- 
don, 65. 

Herald, a, 62. 

Hersage, James, 100, 101. 

No other notice has been found of 
this person than the account of his 
treason in his text. 

Hetton, , 31. 

Hill, Thomas, 4. 

An innkeeper at Plymouth. 

Hillier, Richard, 3. 
Holland, Ships of, 85. 



Honiton, 90. 

In Devonshire, sixteen miles E. of 
Exeter. 

Hort, Viscount de, 100. 

Horse, a, lent, 2. 

■ — — , given, 90, scepe. 

These presents of horses seem 
to have been made for their journey, 
perhaps to supply the places of 
animals which were incapable of 
proceeding. 

Hour, the Second, 1. 

Two hours after Matins, six o'clock 
in the morning. 

Hull, Ship of, 71, 84. 

Some curious particulars relative to 
the shipping of Hull will be found 
in Mr. Frost's valuable " Notices 
relative to the early History of the 
port of Hull," pp. 132, 133, 134, 
145, 147, Appendix I. 25. It 
furnished twenty ships, and 466 
mariners to the fleet of Edward the 
Third in 1345. 

■ , Gabriel of, a ship so called, 

84. 

, Edward, 2, 4, 6, 53, 57, 

scepe, 58, bis,60,s<zpe, 63,65, 
67, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77, 81, 
bis, 82, 83, bis, 84, 97, scepe, 
98, 

See the Introduction. 
Huntingdon, Earl of, 18. 

John Holland, K. G. He was ap- 
pointed Admiral of England and 
Acquitaine in the 14 Hen. VI.; 
in the 20th Hen. VI. he was Go- 
vernor General of the whole Duchy 
of Acquitaine ; and in the 21 Hen. 
VI. was created Duke of Exeter. 
This distinguished personage died 
on the 5th of August, 1447, leaving 
Henry his son and heir then four- 
teen years of age, who died without 
issue male in 1473, having been 
attainted in the 1st. Edw. IV. 
Dugdale's Baronage. Fcsdera, tome 
xi. p. 8. 

Huse, N.4, 7, 8, 9, bis, 22,25, 
26, 29, 31, 34, 37, 38, 70, 
bis. 
He was, in all probability, the Ni- 
cholas Hussey, son of Sir Henry 
Hussey, Knt. who died seized of 



118 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



Harting and Wenham, in the 
County of Sussex, and of lands 
in Surrey, on the 15th of De- 
cember, J 470, leaving his daugh- 
ters, Christiana set. 12, and Ka- 
therine aet. 10 his heirs. The 
former married first Sir Henry 
Lovell, Knt. by whom she had 
issue, and secondly Roger Lewk- 
nor, and died in 1524. Kathe- 
rine, her sister, was the wife of 
Sir Reginald Bray, K. G. Escheats, 
9 and 10 Edw. IV. and " Vin- 
cent's Sussex," in the College of 
Arms. It is evident that he was 
one of the Esquires of the king's 
body or household, that he accom- 
panied the ambassadors to Bor- 
deaux, and proceeded from thence 
to reinforce Rieul when it was be- 
sieged by the French, after which 
time he is not mentioned in the 
Journal. The Foedera does not 
present any notice of him. 
Huy, John, 87, 88. 

Iges, i. e. Eyes, 17. 

Ingram, , 90. 

Inquisition, 85. 

An Inquisition was an inquiry by 
a jury to ascertain any particulai 
fact. 

Inspector, the, or Supervisor, 3. 

Island, 95. 
See LTsle. 

John, 4. 

Apparently a servant. 

Katherine of Bayonne, master of 
the ship so called, 11. 

Kirton, 90. 

In Devonshire. The exact situa- 
tion of the place so designated in 
the Journal has not been ascer- 
tained, but it was on the road 
between Oakhampton and Exeter. 
There is a place called Kir stow 
between Moreton Harapstead and 
Exminster, which lies too far to 
the right of their route for it to be 
meant. 

Kirtles,the Count of Armagnac's, 

daughters to be painted in 

their, 10. 

A Kirtle in the sense used by the 

king must mean a petticoat ; but 



a man's mantle, cloak, gown, 
waistcoat and tunick were all de- 
scribed as Kirtles. Thus Chaucer, 

" Yclad he was full small and 
properly, 

All in a Kirtel of a light waget." 
and " Un Kirtell de rouge damask 
sengle, pris xiij s - iv d " was among 
the effects of Henry the Fifth. — 
Rot. Pari. vol. iv. p. 236. 
But Kirtle most frequently meant 
a petticoat. 

" Damoisellis two 

Right young and full of seme- 
lyhede 

In ifirti/s,and none other wede." 
Chaucer. 
In a petition from Isabel, widow of 
Sir John Boteler, Knt. in the 15 
Hen. VI. she complains that she 
had been " felonousely and moste 
horribely ravysshed, and hir naked, 
except hir Kirtyl and hir smokke 
ledde with him into the wylde and 
desolate plaees of Wales." Ibid. 
p. 497 b ; and a man who had mur- 
dered a woman in the 23 Hen. VI. 
is said to have afterwards stolen 
her clothes, which consisted of " a 
gowne, a Kirtell, a hode, two ker- 
chieffes." Ibid. vol. v. p. 111. 
ldonea Ughtred in 1419, be- 
queathed to her daughter " all her 
gowns and kirtles," and Elizabeth 
Lady Fitz Hugh, in her will, 
dated in 1427, gave her servants 
" all her clothing, as my gowns 
and my /art/es." Testamenta Ve~ 
tusta, pp.200, 213. 
A modern antiquary thus explains 
a kirtle. " Sometimes they were 
laced close to the body, and pro- 
bably answered the purpose of 
boddice or stays. Though, it was 
occasionally a habit of state, and 
worn by persons of high rank, to 
appear in a kirtle only, was a mark 
of servitude; and at the close of 
the 15th century was used as a 
habit of penance." — Fosbroke's En- 
cyclopaedia of Antiquities, vol. ii. 
p. 857. 
Knolles' tower, 88. 

A Tower near Crowdon, in Brit- 
tany, probably so called after Sir 
Robert Knolles, K. G. a distin- 
guished soldier in that province in 
the reign of Edward the Third, 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



119 



and one of the thirty English who 

fought the celebrated " Combat 

de Trente." 
Lahet, Janecot, 34. 
Langon, 53, 65. 

A Town on the Garonne, about 20 

miles S. E. of Bordeaux. 

Lawndes, Country of, 49, 

The department of Lawndes, of 
which Monte de Marsan is the 
chief city. It adjoins, on the south, 
the department of the Giroude, in 
which Bourdeaux is situated. 

Lawyers, the, cited, 47. 
Leg Harness, 101. 

Armour for the legs. 
Leigh, Ralph, 1,2. 

Probably the individual who is de- 
scribed in the Act of Resumption, 
28 Hen. VI. 1450 ; as Rauff Legh 
Squyer, Marchall of oure all 
halle," who with others are pro- 
tected from the effects of the sta- 
tute. Rot. Pari. vol. v. p. 194. 

Leittour, 23,29, 30, 31. 

Lectoure. A town situated on a 
hill over the river Ger, about 70 
miles S. E. of Bordeaux, and 20 
N. of Auch. It was the chief 
town of the county of Armagnac. 

" Le Mog. fixed in a rod of 
lorey with a little book in the 
middle," given as, a New 
Year's gift, 83. 
tt j)na Hospicii dedit lemog in una. 
virgula de lorey, cum libello in me- 
dio." The following translation is 
proposed, which may not exceed the 
fair limits of conjecture. A lemon 
in a sprig of laurel (laurier) having 
a sweet meat within side. Lorey is 
evidently laurier, and libellus was 
a thin sweetmeat rolled up as a 
sheet of paper, or so enclosed. 
Whether this interpretation be ad- 
mitted or not, it will be allowed 
that such a present was in cha- 
racter from the mistress of an 
hotel to her noble guests at their 
departure.** 

Letters from Henry VI. to the 
Ambassadors, dated at 
Windsor Castle, 23 
June, 5. 



Letter, Hid. 6, 7. 

, dated in July, 9, 10. 

, dated at Windsor 20th 

July, 58. 
, dated at Windsor 21st 

September, 54, 55. 

to the Inhabitants of 

Bourdeaux, dated 21st 
September, 55 } 57. 

from the Ambassadors to 

the King, dated Ply- 
mouth, 30th June, 1442, 
7. 

Bourdeaux, 24th July, 

13, 19. 

, - 9th August, 26. 

] 8th October, 49, 52. 

from the Ambassadors to 

Ralph Lord Cromwell, 
dated at Bourdeaux, 
24th July, 19, 22. 

■ ■ from Sir Robert Roos to 

the Count of Armag- 
nac, dated Bourdeaux, 
24th August, 32. 

Bourdeaux, 3rd Novem- 
ber, 60. 

Bourdeaux, 2"nd De- 

ber, 77, 78. 

. from the Count of Ar- 
magnac to Sir Robert 
Roos, dated Lectoure, 
23rd July, 23. 

■ ibid, dated Lectoure, 

20th August, 29. 

ibid. Auch, 7th Novem- 
ber, 67. 

ibid. 22nd Novem., 73. 

ibid. Lile, 3rd January, 

1443,91,92. 

from the Ambassadors 

to John de Batute, 
dated Bourdeaux, 24th 
August, 33. 

, 12th October, 44, 47. 

-, 13th October, 47, 48. 

— , September, and No- 
vember 3rd, 61, 63. 



120 



INDEX AND NOTES, 



Letter, ibid. 22nd Dec, 78, 80. 

. t,ibid. 30th Dec, 81, 82. 

. — from John de Batute to 

the Ambassadors, dated 
Lectoure, 29th July, 
1442, 24. 

— ibid. Lectour, 20th Au- 
gust, 30. 

— ibid. Auch, 15th Sep- 
tember, 39, 44, 

, Duplicate of the above, 

64. 

. ibid, dated Auch, 8th 

November, 67, 71. 

. ibid. 22nd Nov., 74, 76. 

■ ibid. The Island (L'Isle) 

3rd January, 1443, 95. 

. the king's, proclaimed to 

the inhabitants of Bour- 
deaux, by the Arch- 
bishop in a Church, 12, 
16. 

— , the cause explained why 
it was not in the writer's 
own hand, 95. 
This and all the other passages on 
the subject of Correspondence are 
peculiary wo: thy of attention, as 
they afford much interesting infor- 
mation. 

• difficulty of finding car- 
riers of, noticed, 64. 
sent by a Pilgrim, 26. 



This description of the manner 
in which a letter was sent to 
the king of England by his am- 
bassadors, is extremely curious, 
as it presents undoubted evidence of 
the difficulty of conveying letters 
at the period, and which is fre- 
quently alluded to : it perhaps 
arose from the state of France. 

- 4 signed with the king's 

own hand, 6. 
The fact here stated that the king 
very rarely signed letters with his 
own hand is worthy of notice. They 
generally commenced like the one 
in question, with the words " Ey 
the King," but in this instance 
Henry added thereto his signature. 



Letter sent with a Pastoral 
Staff, 63,74, 78. 

The exact meaning of this expres- 
sion has not been discovered : a pas- 
toral staff must have been a protec- 
tion bestowed by an ecclesiastie. 



by a Soldier, 32. 

the writer of a, presumed 

to have a copy in his 
possession because he 
was " a prudent man," 
45. 

Liskeard, in Cornwall, 89. 

, Vicar of, 89. 



L'Isle, 92, 95. 

Most likely L'Isle en Jourdain, a 
small town about 20 miles E. of 
Auch, and a Jittle more than one 
hundred S. E. of Bourdeaux. It 
is so called because it is situated 
on an island formed by the Sarre, 
and which belonged to persons 
named Jourdan. 

Llewellyn, Davy Ap, 34. 
Logan, Richard, 35. 
Lomaine, Viscount of, 32, 33, 
bis, 34,41, 46, 69. 

Odon III. who married Audine de 
Ferragut, by whom he had Odon 
IV. VArt de Verifier les Dates, 
tome iii. p. 281. 

London, 95. 

Longvile, Viscount, &c. 
See Capitowe. 

Loremont, 35, 97. 

Loremon and L'Hermitage are very 
near each other, on the opposite 
side of the Garonne to, and about 
three miles N. E. from, Bourdeaux. 

Losseun, 53. 

Lostwithiel, in Cornwall, 89. 

Maidenhead, in Berkshire, 90, 

bis. 
Malvesin, 53. 
Marceriz, ib. 
Marmand, 49, 62. 

Erroneously printed Marmawd : a 
town on the Garonne, forty miles 
S. E. of Bordeaux. 

, Prior of, 39, 80. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



121 



Marmand de St. Basille, 53. 

Marsano, Regent of, 30. 

It is not perhaps possible to dis- 
cover who the " Regent of Mar- 
sano" was ; but from the sense in 
which the word " Regent" is used 
in relation to Sir Robert Roos, it 
may be inferred that he was the 
governor of Marson, a district in 
the department of Landes, of which 
Mont de Marson was the capital. 

Martin, Prior of, 36. 

Mary of Eton, St., invoked for a 

fair wind, 11. 
Masduran, Castle of, 53. 
Mauchamp, Janicot, 35. 
Mausyn, 102. 
Mavesyn, Castle of, 49. 
Medok, 18. 
Melan, 53, 102. 

Probably Meillan, a town about 
four miles S. W. of Mont de Marson. 

Mergans, 26. 
Menial servant, 8. 

A servant of the household, from 
meigne, a household. Edward 
Duke of York, in his will dated in 
1415, says — " Je veuille qe touz 
mes servants meignalx queux feu- 
rent demorrantz en mon hostel," 
&c— Royal Wills, p. 219. 

" Mergyn," 21. 

This word is used in a singular 
manner. " Mergyn" is a verge or 
border ; and the passage probably 
meant that if the archbishop could 
be diverted from the chief object of 
his mission, he would tell all he 
knew, rather than what he was in- 
structed to state. 

Merton, Richard, Mr. 3. 

A priest. 
Messenger, Stephen, 5. 

Stephen, the messenger. Several 
notices relative to the king's mes- 
sengers occur on the Rolls of Par- 
liament:. In the 12 Henry VI. 
1433, the expenses of them are 
stated to be 2002. — vol. iv. p. 436. 
The Liber Quotidianus Garderolxz, 
of the 28 Edward I. p. 45, contains 
some curious particulars relative 
to the " messengers" of that reign. 



Mewes, 95. 

Most probably in the Tower of 
London. 

Monela, Castle of, 53. 

Monferant, Sir Bernard, 38, 59. 
Several notices occur in the Fcedera 
and on the Rolls of Parliament of 
a Sir Bertram de Montferant, but 
no mention is made of a person of 
the baptismal name of Bernard. It 
is very possible, however, that it was 
the error of the writer of the Journal 
to describe him by the latter appella- 
tion, and that he was the faithful and 
beloved knight " Bertrandus Do- 
minus de Monteferrando et de 
Laygorano," who is stated in a writ 
to the archbishop and other autho- 
rities of Bordeaux, in 1435, to have 
petitioned the king for some lands 
which had belonged to his uncle, 
Sir Bernard de la Bret, Knt, 
Fcedera, tome x. p. 618. In the 
Acts of Resumption, 4th and 7th, 
and 8th and 13th Edward IV. 
" oure oratrice and true bedewoman, 
Petronille Mountferant, late wife of 
Bertram, Lord of Mountferant," in 
Gascony, is secured in the posses- 
sion of a rent of 201. per annum, 
granted to her out of the revenue 
of the shires of Bedford and Bucks. 
Rot. Pari, vol, v. p. 542, b 608 ; 
and vol. vi. p. 77. a 

Monteseurt, Castle of, 53. 
Mortimer, T. 72. 
Morton, Secretary, 97. 

Several persons of the name of 
Morton are mentioned on the Rolls 
of Parliament in the reign of Henry 
the Sixth, but it is impossible to 
identify either of them as the per- 
son noticed in the Journal. 

Mountsbay, in Cornwall, 89. 

Mount Secure, 62, 72. 

A town three leagues from Mar- 
mand, which is described to be very 
secure, and to abound in provisions. 
It surrendered to the French on 
the 7th of December, 1442. 

" Mure," 52. 

Ripe, deliberate. 

Must, le, wine so called, 28. 

Navir, 50, a ship. 
New Year's Gifts, 82. 

L 



122 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



North, if the, had blown pros- 
perously, 70. See also 31. 
There seems to be an allusion in the 
passages referred to, which it is not 
possible to penetrate. 

Nostre, Dame, 84, bis. 

Notaries, 86. 



Oath taken by one of the ser- 
vants, 2. 

Probably an oath of fidelity, or 
secrecy, with respect to Bekyng- 
ton's mission. See the allusion to 
the oath which had been admi- 
nistered to Hussee in a letter in a 
subsequent page. 

Okynton, 90. 

Oakhamton, in Devonshire, about 
twenty miles West of Exeter, on 
the road from Liskeard to London. 

Over-riding, 18, 

An invasion or attack. 

Oysters eaten, 85. 

Orleans, Duke of, 40. 

Charles, son of Louis Duke of 
Orleans, younger son of Charles 
the Fifth, King of France. He is 
known to the English reader by 
the poems which he composed 
during his long captivity in Eng- 
land, having been made prisoner 
at the battle of Agincourt, where 
he eminently distinguished him- 
self. He had three wives, Isabel, 
daughter of Charles VI. King of 
France ; Bona, daughter of Ber- 
nard, Count of Armagnac ; and 
Mary, daughter of Adolph, first 
Duke of Cleves. By the latter he 
was father of Louis Duke of Or- 
leans, afterwards Louis XII. King 
of France, and died in 1465. 



Painting. See Pictures. 

Pantonge, 18. 

Parker, T., 89. 

Pastoral staff, letters sent with 
a, 63, 74, 78. See Letters. 

Payntour, John, 34, 66, 72. 

This individual, of whom nothing 
more is 'known, was killed by a 
culverin at Rieul, in November 
1442. 



Pedulup, or Woifsoote, alias 
Luperins, 88. 

Pied de Loup. 

Penmark, 85. 

Pointe de Penmark, which forms 
one point of the bay of Audierne. 
It is eighteen miles S. W. of the 
town of Quimper, in Brittany. 

Penryn, 89, bis. 

In Cornwall, a town at the head 
of Falmouth harbour. 

Pictures, the, 10, 60, 61, 62, 
73,74, 75, 77, 79, 82, 91, 
92, 94. 

Pikbourne, , 48. 

Pilgrim a, 26. 

Pimento, given as a new year's 
gift, 83. 
Spiced wine mixed with honey. It 
is also called clarre, or claret. The 
following receipt for making it is 
given by Tyrwhitt from the " Me- 
dulla Cirugie Rolandi," a MS. in 
the Bodleian Library, No, 761, 
f. 86. :— 

" Claretum bonum, sive Pigmen- 
tum. Accipe nucem moschatam, ca- 
riofilos, gingebas, maris, cinamo- 
mum, galangum; quae omnia in 
pulverem redacta, distempera cum 
bono vino, cum tertia parte mellis ; 
post cola per sacculum, et da ad 
bibendum. Et nota, quod illud 
idem potest fieri cerevisia." 

"Ne let therefore to drinke 

clarrie 
£)r piment makid freshe and 
newe. ' ' — Chaucer. 

Pipes, 101. 

Casks in which armour was en- 
closed. 

of bread, 64. - 

Bread packed in casks so called. 

Plover a, noticed as resting on 
the sail of the ship, 89. 

Plymouth, 4, scepe, 5, 8, 9, 89. 

Plymton, Prior of, 4, 9. 

William Hill was prior of Plymp- 
ton from the 3rd of May, 1440, to 
the 9th of August, 1462. 

Pont, John de, 65, 83. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



123 



Portraiture, a Portrait. See 

Pictures. 
Powns, Lord, 14, 18. 

This was probably the person who 
is thus noticed on the Rolls of 
Parliament — " Item atte Derte- 
mouthe, the Spaynyshhe ship tha t 
was the LordPouns." vol. 5. p. 59.b 

Poyntour. See Payntour. 

Powderham, 4. 

Powderham Castle, then the seat 
of Sir Philip Courtenay, and now 
in the possession of his descendant, 
Viscount Courtenay. It is situated 
close to the banks of the river Ex, 
about six miles S. S. E. of Exeter. 

Powderam, -, 88. 

Presents made, 2, 3, 4, 9, 12, 
28, 81, 82, 83, sape, 88,90. 

Procurator, the King's, 34. 

Puis, I de, 102. 

Pull' Cap' Pen/ 90. 

The last word appears to have been 
mistaken in the transcription for 
' vin ;' it would then be pullets, a 
capon, and wine, which was a cus- 
tomary present from corporate 
bodies. 

Pullets, &c. given, 28, 90. 

Purser of a ship, 65. 

Pury, John, 58. 

Quarrel a, noticed, 36, 65. 
Quarrelles, heads for, given as a 
present, 83. 

Raas, Le, 85. 

The passage between the Pointe 
du Raz and the Isle de Sein twenty 
miles,N.W.of Pointe dePenmarke, 
and twenty-five miles W. N. W. of 
Quimper, in Brittany. 

Regent, Sir Robert Roos, 28, 32, 
35, 37, scepe, 38, scepe, 39, scepe. 
40, etseq., 48, 53, 57,58,65, 
6m, 66, stfpc, 7 1,72, 76,83, 84, 
90, 97. See the introduc- 
tory REMARKS. 
Regent of Guienne, to which office 
he was elected in the manner de- 
scribed in p. 82. The term "Re- 
gejit" appears to have been used 



synonymously with Governor, or 
Commander. " The Regent of 
Marsano,"isalso mentioned in the 
Journal, and in the same sense. 

Regula, Thomas de, 57. 

Rempston, Sir Thomas, 18. 

In 1424, Monstrelet says, Sir 
Thomas Rampston, with Sir John 
de Luxemburgh, besieged Guise ; 
and was a party to the treaty for 
the surrender of that place, in 
which he is described as " Sir 
Thomas Rampstone, Knight, 
Chamberlain to the Lord Regent 
the Duke of Bedford, and with 
John de Luxenburgh, Governor of 
that district of Prance." After the 
siege, Rampston went to Paris to 
wait on the Duke of Bedford, by 
whom he was most graciously re- 
ceived. Johnes' Monstrelet. vol. vi. 
p. 98 — 107. It appears from the 
Journal, that he commanded the 
town of St. Severs, in July, 1442, 
when it surrendered to the-French. 

Repinghale, Robert, 34, 89, 95. 
The name of " Robertus Reping- 
hale Clericus Secretarius Regis," 
occurs in the Calendar to the Patent 
Rolls, in the 26 Hen. VI. p. 291; 
but nothing more has been found 
respecting him. \ 

Revell, le, 81. 

" Revel" is described to be an 
entertainment at night, consist- 
ing of feasting, dancing, masks, 
&c, Chaucer says, 

" For which this noble duk, as he 

wel can 
Comforteth and honoureth every 

man, 
And made revel all the longe 

night." 

But from the manner in which the 
word is used in the text, it would 
rather seem to mean a performance 
of some kind : " After supper they 
went to the Lord Regent, and 
there saw ' le Revell."' 

Riaunt, 11, 25, 86. 
. ■ Roads, 85. 

Royan, a town at the entrance of 

the Garonne. 

Rieul, 37, 38, bis, 39, bis, 49, 53, 
59, 72, 102, bis. 



124 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



Rieul, Castle of, 53, 63, 64, " 

66 71,72. 
L,e Reole, a town on the right 
bank of the Garonne, nearly thirty 
miles E.S.E. of Bordeaux, built 
on the top of a small hill, and was a 
place of considerable strength. 
The remains of the castle and of a 
very fine convent of Benedictines, 
are still visible. We learn that 
the King of France, in person, 
and the Dauphin, laid siege to it 
for some time before September, 
1442, and that they took it by 
assault the 7th of October; but 
that the castle held out until the 
7th of December. The notice that 
the gun which the French used 
during the siege, was " broken" 
by which is probably meant 
" burst," on the 39th of October, 
is curious. 

Rions, 50. 

Rious, a town fifteen miles S. E. 
of Bordeaux. 

Rokeby, , 35. See Rok- 

ley. 
Roket, Le, 11. 

Rokley, , 35, 65, 72, 97. 

Apparently from the last reference 
a soldier. 

Roos, Sir Robert, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 
12, 13, 21, bis, 22, 27, 28, 
scepe, 32, 33, See Regent 
and Introductory Re- 
marks. 

Roperye, Le, 28. 

Rosan, Lord de, 83. 

St. Andrew, 81. 

The Metropolitan Church of the 
Archbishoprick of Bourdeaux. A 
history of it was published in 
1668, by Jerome Lopez, Canon of 
that Church, in quarto ; and the 
AbbeXaupi printed a Dissertation, 
on that edifice. Le Long's Biblio- 
theque Historique de France. 

, Chantor of the 

Church of, 22. 
— , Dean of, 26, bis, 

37, 38, 59, 65. 

In 1433, Theobald Dagen was Dean 



of the Church of St. Andrew of 
Bourdeaux. 

St. Andrew, le Bordeu of, 35. 

St. Austle, 89. 

In Cornwall, a town on the road 
from Truro to Lostwithiel. 

St. Bartholomew, 53. 

St. Cryk, 100. 

St. Denis, Chapel of, 35. 

Near Bordeaux. 

St. Durdoine on pres, 53. 

St. Eloy, 38. 

St. Faith, 71. 

St. George D'Angleterre, 98. 
" St. George, of England ;" the 
national war cry of the English. 

St. James's, Dean of, 23. 

The Dean of the Church of St. 
James of Bourdeaux. 

St. Katherine, Hospital of, 95. 
Near the Tower of London. 

St. Lopyes, 97, bis, 

A town on the opposite side of the 
river to Bourdeaux, and about 
seven miles distant from it. 

St. Lupe, 59. 

St. Makary, 34, 39, 50, 64, bis, 
17, bis. 

St. Macaire, a small town on the 
banks of the Garonne, eight miles 
S.E. of Bourdeaux. 

St. Matthew, Abbey of, 87. 

St. Peter, Church of, in Bor- 
deaux, 28. 

St. Severinus, 35. 

Provost of, 80. 

It has not been ascertained who 
was Provost of St. Severines. The 
Dean of St. Severines was Dr. John 
Grafton, whom the Chronicle of St. 
Albaris, and Hall state was one of 
the Commissioners appointed to 
negociate the Marriage between 
Henry VI. and a daughter of the 
Count of Armagnac, but this was 
not the fact. See the Introduc- 
tion. 

St. Severs, 14, 18, 49, 50, ter, 
52. 
A town in the Lawndes, fourteen 
miles from Tartas, and about five 
from Dax. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



125 



St. Thomas, Tower of, 28. 

Near Bordeaux. 

-, 39. 

In Le Reole. 

-, 90. 



Salisbury, 1. 

■ , Bishop of, 1. 

William Aiscough, clerk to the 
council. He was elected to the See 
of Salishury, 11th February, 1438, 
and was murdered at Edington, 
in Wiltshire, 29th June, 1450. 

Sancta Maria, the antiphonale, 
chaunted to obtain a fair wind, 

11, 

Sanuetat de Belver, 53. 

Savage, Robert, 25, 31, bis, 72, 
77, 81, 83. 
Perhaps the Robert Savage, a yeo- 
man of the Crown, who was ex- 
cepted from the effects of the Act 
of Resumption, 28 Hen. VI. 1450, 
Rot. Pari, vol. v. p. 192.b Florence, 
the wife of a person of these names 
was appointed keeper of a part of 
the King's wardrobe in the city of 
London, called " Prince Ward- 
robe," in the 3 Hen. VI. Ibid. 
p. 545. 

Say, John, 2. 

Say, William, 1,2,3. 

One of the ushers of the king's 
chamber : he was protected from 
the effects of the Act of Resump- 
tion, 20 Henry VI. 1450. Rot. 
Pari. vol. v. p. 191 ; b and was 
among the persons whom the 
commons prayed in 1 451, might be 
banished the king's presence for 
life. Ibid. p. 216. 

Scot, T. 26, 80. 

Seals, 18. 

The attention which was paid to 
the Seals attached to letters, is 
remarkable. Some observations on 
the subject will be found in the 
Retrospective Reviexo New Series. 

Secure Mount. See Mount. 
Selby, David, 80,87, 88. 

A David Selby, is said, in 1445, to 
have been one of the owners of a 
ship, called " Le Jamys de Land- 
help," which was then allowed to 
convey forty pilgrims to the shrine 



of St. James, in Galacia. Fadera. 
Tome xi. p. 78. 

Shark, a, caught, 11. 
Ships, 87. 

The Petition which occurs on the 
Rolls of Parliament, in the 14th 
Rich. II. 1390, relative to the 
communication between England 
and Bourdeaux, presents so much 
information on the subject, and of 
the shipping employed, that its 
introduction cannot require an apo- 
logy* 

" 'A tres sages Chivaliers et Com- 
munes de cest present Parlement 
monstrent les possessours des niefs 
parmy tout le roialme qe par la ou 
Mariners, en temp de 1' aiel nostra 
Seigneur le Roi q' or est, soleient 
prendre pur lour travaill en niefs, 
pur passer hors d' Engleterre vers 
Burdeux, et pour retourner en 
Engleterre on autres parties dela, 
oept soldz, et le fraght d' un 
tonell ; et Meistre Shipman sesze 
souldz, et fraght de deux tonelx a 
plus. Et ore, les ditz Mariners 
sont entant confederez et alliez 
ensemble, pur defaut de punisse- 
ment sur eux ordeine, q' ils ne 
voillent servir es ditz niefs come 
desuis si noun pur trop excessive 
salarie. C est assavoir le Meistre 
Mariner vint et quatre soldz, et 
le fraght de trois tonelx ; et as- 
cuns cent souldz, et le fraght de 
trois tonelx. Et nientmeyns les 
ditz Mariners ne voillent passer 
ovesque les Engleys, mes soule- 
ment ovesque Aliens si ascuns 
y soient, en grant arierissement de 
1' estat des ditz possessours, et de 
la navie d' Engleterre. Qe plese 
ordeiner en cest present Parlement 
sur ce due remede, qe les mairs et 
bailiffs des villes outielx Mariners 
y sont eient poair de punir les ditz 
Mariners al suite de chescuny qe 
soi sentra greve, qe devant eux se 
vorra compleindre, sicome fuist en 
temps du dit aiel — ' 'Le Roi voet 
charger ses Admiralx, d' ordeigner 
qe les Mariners preignent reson- 
ablement pur lour service et tra- 
vaill, et de les punir s' ils facent a 
1' encontre." — Rot. Pari. vol. iii. 
283. 

, the Master of the, sum- 



126 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



moned to appear before Beck- 

ington, 66. 
Shaftesbury, 90. 
Sheffeld, Edward, 88. 
Shene, 96, ter. 

Now Richmond, in Surrey. 
Sherborne, in Dorsetshire, 90. 
Shorthose, Gailard, 12, 37. 

Mayor of Bourdeaux. This person, 
whose discourteous conduct on re- 
ceiving Sir Robert Roos' orders is 
amusingly described, is spoken of 
in a document in the Fatdera, with 
the appellation of" Knight" in Ja- 
nuary, 1446. — Vol. xi. p. 115. 
Silver bent to obtain a fair 
wind, 11. 
The Editor is not aware whether 
any notice of a similar act of su- 
perstition is to be found elsewhere : 
its derivation has also escaped his 
research. The act of turning money 
on the appearance of a new moon, 
" for good luck," or to obtain 
what one wishes bears a sufficient 
resemblance to the circumstance 
mentioned in the text to be brought 
to the reader's remembrance. 

Skoulk wache, 97. 

Probably that part of the English 
forces which formed a kind of ad- 
vanced guard, to be ready to take 
every advantage which might pre- 
sent itself against, and to give early 
notice of any attack from, the 
enemy. " To skulk" is to lurk in 
hiding places ; to lie close. 

Snetisham, , 3, 90. 

Somerset, Cousin of, 54. 

John de Beaufort, Earl of Somer- 
set, grandson of John of Gaunt, 
Duke of Lancaster. This eminent 
nobleman served in the French 
wars from the 9 Henry V. until his 
death in the 22 Henry VI. the 
greater part of the time as Lieu- 
tenant and Captain- General of 
Acquitaine and Normandy ; and 
in 1443, he was created Earl of 
Kendal, and Duke of Somerset. 
We learn from the king's letter, 
that he was about to send him 
to the relief of Bourdeaux with 
a powerful army, in September, 
1442. He died on the 27th May, 



1444, leaving an only daughter, 
Margaret, mother of King Henry 
the Seventh. 

Somerset, Mr. 95. 

It is difficult to determine who this 
person was. A John Somerset 
Clerk, was one of the feoffees of 
some of the royal lands in the 
22 Henry VI. but the Journal 
speaks of Mr. Somerset and his 
wife. A Master John Somerset 
was excepted from the effects 
of the Act of Resumption, 28 
Henry VI. : in the next year the 
Commons prayed that he, with 
others, might be banished for ever 
from the king's presence, and he 
is spoken of as " late discesid " 
in the 33 Henry VI.— Rot. Pari 
vol. v. pp. 72, 198, b 216, b and 
339. An individual of those 
names was Chancellor of the 
King's Exchequer from the 19 to 
the 25 Henry \1.—Calend. Rot. 
Patent, pp. 282, b 286, b 289, b 290 ; 
and according to Mr. Gough in his 
account of the Bedford Missal, a 
John Somerset, physician to Henry 
the Sixth, attested in his own hand 
that that volume was presented by 
the Duchess of Bedford to his 
Majesty in 1430, p. 19. See also 
Dibdin's Bibliographical Decameron 
vol. i. p. 137. 

Sourme le, 89. 

Sparre, Bailiff* of, 80, 82. 

Spoy, Sir Louis de, 28, 35, 37, 
38, 39, 59. 
Or Despoir. Although repeatedly 
mentioned in the Journal, nothing 
can be ascertained about him in 
the various books which have been 
consulted for the purpose. It is 
manifest that he was a soldier, and 
a person of considerable import- 
ance. 

Standards, 98. 

The banners of the English forces. 

Strawnford, , 88. 

Stuff, 49. 

Few words have so extensive a 
meaning 'as " stuff." It is applied 
to every description of goods ; but 
in the sense used in the text, it is 
evidently intended to describe the 
implements of warfare. 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



127 



Stephens, I., 3. 

Strangwys, — , 80, 102. 

Suffolk, Earl of, 5, 95, 96. 

William de la Pole, K. G. He 
succeeded his nephew, Michael, 
who was slain at Agincourt in 
October, 1415, in the Earldom of 
Suffolk, and became one of the 
most distinguished personages of 
his times. In September, 1444, 
he was made Marquess, and in 
June, 1448, Duke of Suffolk, 
having in 1447 succeeded to the 
earldom of Pembroke, according to 
an express limitation on the death 
of the Duke of Gloucester, in 
whose murder he is supposed to 
have been materially concerned. 
The singular fate of this nobleman, 
he having been beheaded on board 
a small vessel on his voyage to 
Calais in 1450, is minutely related 
in one of the " Paston Letters," and 
his career is fully detailed by Dug- 
dale. One of the most interesting 
facts concerning him is, that he 
married Alice, daughter and heiress 
of Thomas, the son of Geoffrey 
Chaucer, the poet. 

Surgeon, a, sent to heal the 
wounded in Rieul, 38. 

Sursak, 14, 18. 

A town on the river Dordogne. 

. •, Castle of, 53. 

Sutton, 1, scepe, 90, ter. 

Apparently Sutton Courtney, about 
two miles south of Abingdon, in 
Wiltshire. 

Swillington, George, 26, 28, 29, 
72, 85. 

, T., 77. 

Query if the initial " T." is not 
an error for " G. ;" but of George 
Swillington no particulars have been 
discovered. 

Sword of St. Louis, 102. 

An importance was evidently at- 
tached to the destruction of this 
sword, which it appears was sup- 
posed to have belonged to St. Louis, 
King of France from 1226 to 1270. 

Tallemont, 11, 25. 
Tarteys, 14. 

Tartas, a small town on the river 
Douze, in the Lawndes, twelve 



miles S. W. of Mont de Marson, 
and about sixty miles south of Bor- 
deaux. 

Taunton, 2, 3, bis. 

In Somersetshire. 

Taunton, Mr. Richard, 65. 

Temple Crantyn, 87. 

Tench given, 88. 

Teriton, 90, 

This place must have been between 
Liskeard, in Cornwall, and Oak- 
hampton, in Devonshire ; but no 
such name occurs in the maps. 
Torrington, which it most nearly 
resembles, is too far out of the 
route. 

Tewbount, Castle of, 53. 

Thomas, , 4. 

Tirel, Mr. William, 25, 26, 28, 
31, bis, 34, bis, 39, 70, 76, 
77, 80, 85. 

Most probably a priest. He was 

a witness to the will of Sir Robert 

Clifton. See Clifton. 
Tiverton, 3. 

In Devonshire, about twelve miles 

north of Exeter. 

Tombatut, 53. 

Toneux, Lady de, 33. 

Toninges, 53. 

A large town on the right bank of 
the Garonne, about forty-five miles 
S. E. of Bourdeaux. 

i ■, du Baron, 53. 

Treasurer, Lord, 95, bis. 

Ralph Lord Cromwell, who suc- 
ceeded to that title about the year 
1419, at which time he was little 
more than sixteen years old. In 
the 11 Henry VI. he was appoint- 
ed Lord Treasurer, which office 
he held until his death in 1455. 

Tregoran, I. Mr. 53, 59, 65, 85, 
86, 88, scepe. 
A priest. It seems that he arrived 
from England in October, 1442, 
and returned with Beckington. 

Trevenaunt, Sir John, 47, 36, 
71. 
A priest and chaplain to Beck- 
ington. 

Trewren, 89. 

Most likely Truro, a town in Corn- 



128 



INDEX AND NOTES. 



wall, eight or nine miles from 
Penryn, on the London road. 
Trumpet, Robert, 13, 19. 

Robert, a trumpeter, whose literary 
acquirements are represented as 
being very slight. 

Turtle Doves given as a present, 

28. 
Tyrrell. See Tirell. 

Venseurs, Castle of, 99. 

A castle near Dax, in the Lawndes. 
Vintage, the, 51. 
Vintner of London, a, 65. 

Wadham, I., 4. 

A mistake for William Wadham, 
who was then Sheriff of Devonshire, 
the representative of one of the 
most ancientfamilies in that county, 
and the immediate ancestor of 
the Founder of Wadham College, 
Oxford. 
Wafers given, 81, 82. 
A sort of cake. 

" He sent her pinnes, methe, and 

spiced ale, 
And u-afres piping hot out of the 
glede." — Chaucer. 
A seller of these cakes was called 
"a Waferer." 

" ■ yonge fruitesteres 

Singers with harpes, baudes, 

vmferers, 
Which ben the very devils 
officeres." — Ibid. 

Water, John, 1, 2, bis. 

A John Water, Yeoman of the 
Crown, was protected from the 
effects of the Act of Resumption, 
28 Henry VI.— Rot. Pari. vol. v. 
p. 192. 

Wells, 2. 

In Somersetshire. We are told 
that Beckington was a Prebend of 
the Cathedral of Wells. 

, Chantor of, ib. 

White cross, 100, bis. 

For several centuries, the soldiers 
of England and France were dis- 
tinguished by wearing crosses over 
their armour : the English used a 
red cross on a white ground, the 
arms of St. George ; the French a 



white cross on a red ground. In 
the regulations for the army of 
Richard the Second, in 1386, it is 
ordered that " everi man of what 
estate, condicion, or nation they be 
of, so that he be of owre partie, 
bere a signe of the armes of St. 
George, large bothe before and 
behynde, upon parell that yf he be 
slayne or wounded to deth, he 
that hath so doon to hym shall not 
be putte to deth for defaulte of the 
cross that he lacketh, and that non 
enmy do bere the same token or 
cross of St. George, notwithstand- 
yng if he be prisoner, upon payne 
of dethe." 

Wilson, Thomas, 38. 

Windsor, 55, 58. 

, Castle of, 5, 7. 

Wind, act of devotion to obtain 
a fair, 11. See Silver. 

Wine, 87. 

, the Secretary went to see 

the manner of making it, 34. 

sent as presents, 12, 28. 

Women noticed as capturing 
some French soldiers, 59. 

Wratbyhte, a fish given, 88. 

Wyf, Baron, 102. 

Wyndas, bows of, given as pre- 
sents, 83, bis. 

Cross-bows with windlasses, which 
were bent by means of a windlass 
affixed to the handle. Roquefort 
explains " windas" * as a sort of 
capstan, and Chaucer uses it in a 
similar sense — 

** Ther may no man out of the 

place it drive, 
For non engine of uindlas or 

polive." 

Cross-bows seem to be an extra- 
ordinary present to a priest, unless 
they were intended for the defence 
of the ship in which he was about 
to embark. 



Z. Z. Green, given as a new 
years' gift, 82. 

Zinziberis, i. e. ginger. 



ADDITIONAL NOTES. 



Brosses, Mr. Stephen de, 65 
bis. 66. referred to also 
in p. Ixxvi. 

Among the Ancient Charters in 
the British Museum are two 
receipts of this person, the one 
marked 43 B 52 dated in 
March 1447-8, and the other 
marked 43 B 53 dated in Fe- 
bruary 1448-9, to Sir Edward 
Hull, Knight,Constable of Bour- 
deaux, acknowledging the re- 
ceipt of his wages, as a Judge 
of criminal causes, by the hand 
of Hull's locum tenens George 
Swillington. Brosses described 
himself as a Bachelor in both 
laws, one of the King's Coun- 
sel in Bourdeaux, and Judge of 
criminal causes in the court of 
Gascony. His seal is attached 
to these documents, and con- 
tains his arms, which appear to 
have been a tree bearing fruit, 
, issuing from amount, with a 
crescent in chief. 

Couturez, 53. 

Probably, Coutrasa. town in Gui- 
enne, on the river L'Isle, be- 
tween Perigeux and Bourdeaux, 
about ten leagues from each. 

Eagle, Seal of. 

In the note in p. 113, a refer- 
ence occurs to an Engraving and 
further account of this Seal in 
the New Series of the Retro- 
spective Review. As the article 
which was prepared for that 
work was not inserted, it is 
necessary to introduce in this 
place, what has been discovered 
on the subject. The earliest 
notice of this Seal is in the 9th 
of Henry the Fifth, 1421, when 
a letter which is preserved in 



the Record Office, in the Tower, 
is thus concluded : 

" Given under our Signet of 
the Eagle, in the absence of our 
other, at our Town of Dover, 
the 8th day of June." 

The Seal is twice mentioned 
in letters from Henry the Sixth 
in the Journal, in June 1442; 
and two years afterwards it is 
thus alluded to in a document 
in the Fee lent, tome xi. p. 74. 

" Pat. p. 1. 23 Hen. VI. m. IS. 
P' Cancillar' Angl' "") Herry by 
f the grace of 
D' et p' warrantis } (god Kynge 
Regiis allocaud'. } ) of E ng l an d 

and of Fraunce and Lord of 
Irland To our Channceller of 
England gretynge All such 
grauutes as that sith the xth 
yere of our regne unto this tyrne,- 
ye by force and vertue of billes 
with our own hond and by lettres 
under our Signettes of the Egle 
and armes and also by bilks 
endocedby our Chamberlegns 
handes and clerk of our counsail 
have made our lettres patentes 
under our giete seel, we hold 
theym ferme and stable and 
of as grete strength and valevve 
and to yowe as sufficiant war- 
rant as though ye had had for 
theime our lettres of prive seal, 
any statut charge restraint act or 
commaundement to yowe made 
in to the contrarienotwithstond- 
yng, Yeven under our privie 
seal at our manoir within our 
Park of Wyndesore the vij day 
of November the yere of our 
regne xxiij." 

Henry the Seventh, as is stated 
in the note in p. 113, affixed the 
Signet of the Eagle to his will, 
which is the last time that any 
allusion to it has been found. 



130 



ADDITIONAL NOTES. 



has been before observed, that 
that Signet was probably the 
seal of the Honor of the Eagle, 
which was annexed to the 
Crown by Henry the Third, by 
the following patent ; and like 
the Seal of the Duchy of Lan- 
caster, and of other royal Seig- 
niories, was chiefly used to seal 
documents relating to that Ho- 
nor. 
Hot. Patent. 53. Hen, III. m. 24. 
P' Edwardo "I Henr' par la 
filioReg' J" grac e de Deu 
Roy de Engleterre seignur de 
Irelaund & Due de Aquitaigne 
a tuz ceus ki cestes lettresver- 
runt ou orrunt, saluz. Sachetke 
nus par Pasentement e la volente 
. ., V nostre cbere com- 
J paigue AlianoreRayne 
de Engleterre avuns donee & 
grauntee et par ceste nostre pre- 
sente cbartre conferme a Ead- 
ward nostre cher fuiz enie le 
honur del Egle ove tuttus les 
apurtenaunces a avoir e tenyr 
a luy e a ses eyrs Reys de En- 
gletrere ensy ke enterement re- 
mayce a la corune quitement et 
enterement par droyt heritage 
a tuz jurs. Et pur co ke nus 
voluns ke cest nostre dun et 
nostre graunt et nostre confer- 
mement seoynt ferme et estable 
a tuz jurs nus avuns fet seeler 
ceste pesente cbartre de nostre 
seel, et nus Alianor p' la grace 
de Deu Royne de Engletere 
avuns ferme et estable icest duu 
et cest graunt et cest conferme- 
ment et en temoyne de ceo 
avuns fet mettre de nostre bon 
gre et de nostre p'pre volente a 
ceste chaitre nostre seel en- 
semblement ove le seel nostre 
seignur le Roy, a ces temoynes, 
Gilbert de Clare Cunte de 
Gloucestre et de Herteford 
Johan de YVarenne Cunte de 
Surraye William de Valenz 
seignur de Penbroc Robert 
Walerand Roberd Aguilon Gil- 
berd de Preston Johan deBretun 
Roberd de Brywes Henry de 



Maulay etplusursautres. Done 
a Wyncestre le v\nt et utyme 
jur de Decembre le an del 
Incarnacion nostre seignur mil 
et deus cenz et seysaunte 
utyme. 

Annexed is an accurate engrav- 
ing of the Seal of the Eagle 
from a document preserved in 
the Tower, for a drawing of 
which, and for some of the pre- 
ceding extracts from records, 
the editor is indebted to the 
kindness of Thomas Duffus 
Hardy, Esq. F. S. A. 




Lomaine, Viscount of, 32, 33, 
bis. 34, 41, 46, 49. Eldest 
son of the Count of Armag- 
nac. See the Introduc- 
tory Remarks. 

North, 31,70. 

The conjecture hazarded in the 
note on this word in p. 122, that 
there was some covert allusion 
in the passages where it occurs, 
is strengthened by the following 
extract from an answer to a bal- 
lad said to have been sent by 
the English to the French, when 
besieging Pontoise, about July 
1441. 'lhe Frenchmen replied, 
" Vos're grand orgueil abatrons 
Soyez-en seurs commedemoit 
Etbien les peaux vous fourbirons 
A la venne du Due d'Yorck. 
Or retournez uu vent du nort 
Et ne parler plus de combatre : 
Male fiebure vous puisse aba- 
tre." 

Jean Chartiers Hhtoirede Charles VII. 
parGodefroy, p. 119. 



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JOURNAL of the EMBASSY of THO. BECK- 
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LIFE of WILLIAM DAVISON, Secretary of State 
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PRIVATE MEMOIRS of Sir KENELM DTGBY, 

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MEMOIR of AUGUSTINE VINCENT, Windsor 

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HISTORY of the Town and School of RUGBY, in 
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6 

FLAGELLUM PARLIAMENT A RIUM, being 

Sarcastic Notices of nearly two hundred Members of the 
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London, 1827. 

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CATALOGUE OF THE HERALDS' VISITA- 
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PRIVATELY PRINTED. 

THE STATUTES of the ORDER of the 
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Only one hundred and fifty copies printed, for the use of the English 
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THE STATUTES of the ORDER of the THIS- 
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CASTRATIONS, from the private Memoirs of Sir 
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A REPORT of the Case of the BARONY of 
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WALTON and COTTON'S COMPLETE ANG- 
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LEJL '09 



